hdbk_blackstudies ch 16.pdf

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-sea...

Sage Reference Handbook of Black Studies For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website. A free-to-view version of this content is available by clicking on this link, which includes an easy-to-navigate-and-search-entry, and may also include videos, embedded datasets, downloadable datasets, interactive questions, audio content, and downloadable tables and resources. Author: Cecil Blake Pub. Date: 2010 Product: Sage Reference DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412982696 Keywords: nationalism, diaspora, ideology, Africa, African diaspora, socialism, communalism Disciplines: Race & Ethnicity, Race, Ethnicity & Migration, Black Studies, Sociology Access Date: July 8, 2024 Publisher: SAGE Publications, Inc. City: Thousand Oaks Online ISBN: 9781412982696 © 2010 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. An African Nationalist Ideology in Diaspora and the Development Quagmire: Political Implications CecilBlake When Ghana obtained its independence from Britain in 1958, Africa started a decolonization phase. By the end of the 1960s, most of the former colonies of Britain and France had obtained their independence. A no- table feature of all the independent states was what one could characterize as the absence of a clear and dis- cernible African ideology to serve as the basis for the development of the respective states. The African devel- opment problematic, particularly in West Africa, cannot be fully analyzed and understood without addressing the strong organic link of some of these states with their North American Diaspora past. Two states—Sierra Leone and Liberia—manifest the strongest “cultural” linkage because both have a cross-section of their re- spective citizenry, which was repatriated from the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada. Neither of these states, however, produced a highly recognized and acclaimed ideologue. Ghana was a key trading post during the abominable days of slavery. Thousands of Africans who were captured and enslaved in the Americas departed the continent from the coast of Ghana. The country produced Africa's most highly ac- claimed ideologue. Yet an examination of the ideological influences that shaped theories of development in West Africa at the dawn of independence starting with Ghana, or elsewhere in the continent, shows a clear absence of a significant ideological input or theory of development from Africans in the North American Dias- pora during any epoch of their involuntary sojourn there. During enslavement and after emancipation in the United States, leading African spokespeople agitated for emancipation and repatriation to their ancestral land. Their rhetorical stances and lines of argument crafted an ideology for African national development after their eventual repatriation. In fact, the arguments in support of their appeal to freed slaves in America to return to Africa were predicated on the prospects for self-rule, in- dependence, and prosperity in West Africa, as well as access and control of the various natural and physical resources Africa possessed. Yet the closest one could come to establish any connection with Diaspora social thought was with a movement that started at the turn of the 20th century—the Pan-African movement—which focused primarily on decolonization, and for Garveyites, the consolidation of the race in Africa (Garvey, 1963; Walters, 1993). The main objective of this essay is to present a discussion and analysis of what is referred to as an African nationalist ideology, crafted in the North American Diaspora, with tenets that address key development chal- Handbook of Black Studies Page 2 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. lenges that could have been probably more effectively tackled with the adoption of even a modified version of this alternative ideology at the dawn of African independence starting with Ghana. This position is ground- ed in the belief that the ideology centered African national interests. Even a cursory review of the rhetorical and ideological stances of Kwame Nkrumah, the most prolific ideologue in the African leadership structure in the 1960s would reveal that socialist, albeit “scientific socialism” was primarily centered and African inter- ests analyzed with solutions prescribed within the context of socialist thought (Milne, 1990; Nkrumah, 1964, 1968). The first section introduces the essay and presents a brief introduction of the principal ideologue from whose rhetoric the African nationalist ideology is culled, as well as a discussion of the “mission” construct on which the African nationalist ideology is explained. This is followed by a presentation of the basic tenets of the African nationalist ideology. The next section presents a discussion of Kwame Nkrumahs lukewarm reac- tion to the central theme he describes as “Black” rather than “African” nationalism in the ideology. The final section concludes with a discussion on the feasibility of an African renaissance grounded in the formulation of an African nationalist ideology in response to the exigencies faced by the continent. Central to the discussion advanced in this essay is a construct referred to as mission on which the ideology is rhetorically constructed. Simply put, the ideology was crafted by articulate Africans in Diaspora through their explanation of what they perceived to be their vision of a free Africa and their, which was to establish an “African nationality” with Africans in control of their resources and destiny (Blyden, 1862). The major ideologue was Edward Wilmot Blyden, born in the Virgin Islands in 1832 of African parents. He traveled to the United States in 1850 and could not gain admission to educational institutions because of his race. He migrated to Liberia in 1851 and spent the rest of his life traveling in and out of the United States, fostering arguments for an African exodus from North America to found an independent African entity in the African continent (Lynch, 1967). He died in 1916. Through his arguments in his rhetoric of African exodus, which he grounded on the mission of descendants of Africa in North America during the 19th century, an African nationalist ideology is extrapolated. After decolonization, rather than adopt an African-centered ideology, all African states got involved as client states with ideological allegiances split between the dominant Western and Eastern hemispheres—the former proselytizing a capitalist/democracy and the latter a socialist/communist ideology, respectively, with Eurocen- tric visions and missions of development. Even with the emergence of the nonaligned movement led by Tito of Yugoslavia and Nehru of India, there was no distinct ideological marker that one could associate closely with the movement. Each nation in that movement maintained its client relationship with the leading actors in the two major blocks—the East and the West. As for Pan-Africanism, it increasingly became more of a “cultural” manifestation rather than an ideological blueprint for the continent. Handbook of Black Studies Page 3 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Furthermore, the independent states of Africa in the early 1960s broke up into two groups—the Casablanca and Monrovia groups having client relationships with the communist/socialist bloc and the democratic/capi- talist bloc, respectively. Essentially, therefore, the dominant ideologies that were then extant in the continent were those mentioned above, anchored in Europe and The United States. Such a resultant continental so- ciety defies certain elements of the history of Diaspora social thought and, more specifically, manifests the absence of any major influence of an African nationalist ideology fashioned notably in Diaspora in the 19th century, the period of interest for this work. Ideological Origins within the Context of a “Mission” Con- struct How did this ideology emerge? What are its tenets and how was it fashioned as a guiding principle for African national development? Why does the argument advanced here postulate that the African nationalist ideology represented another alternative that some West African states with close links to the North American Diaspo- ra could have given more attention and possible adoption even with some degree of modification to handle possible contextual exigencies? The ideology was fashioned in response to the imperatives of alleviating the wretched condition and plight primarily of free Africans in North America notably during the 19th century. Through an articulation of their vision of Africa and what they considered their mission, leading African spokespeople crafted an ideology that would help them create and build what was referred to as an African nationality (Blyden, 1862). Their vision and stated mission had “other interests” in mind—the Christianization and “civilization” of Africa. Even though the manner in which these other interests were articulated may be regarded in some aspects as self-denigrat- ing, they did not cloud the African nationalist fervency for the rhetorically constructed ideology and the desire to engage in a constructive development of Africa for Africans. Rather, issues of independence, national defi- nition, and the management of resources, both physical and human, among others were the driving forces of that ideology. Before delving into the crux of the argument, it is important to point out a couple issues that may be erro- neously misunderstood to constitute what I refer to as an African nationalist ideology. One such issue is the concept of “nationalism.” The argument that is made in this work is not predicated on the traditional defin- ition and approaches to nationalism (San Martin, 2002). The other issue of concern is that the intellectual Handbook of Black Studies Page 4 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. discourse surrounding concepts such as Negritude or Afrocentricity both with roots in Diaspora social thought should not be confused with the idea of an African nationalist ideology. Negritude represents a cultural rather than an ideological movement, whereas Afrocentricity questions and challenges the dominance of the Euro- centric paradigm in the analysis of social phenomena pertaining to African interests. To warrant the argument for an African nationalist ideology, it is important to present the context and phases within which it emerged. An arbitrary punctuation on my part dates the relevant defining process during the days of resistance against the massive onslaught of European slavers on African communities that led to the enslavement and scattering of Africans. African resistance against the invaders did imply a mission: to re- sist slavers and protect the integrity of the communities so threatened. This is not to say that there were no African collaborators in the evil trade. The main point at issue here is that there was a mission to resist and protect. One may argue that the mission perhaps had a significant role in facilitating the eventual abolition of the slave trade. As conjectural as that may be, it still stands to reason that those outsiders involved in the trade would not have decided only by themselves to end it without recognizing perhaps an increasing resis- tance by Africans and others interested in the abolition of the slave trade. The onslaught was so severe that it created a major civilizational shock that rocked the basic fabric of African life, customs, and development, disastrous results of which Africa is still experiencing. The continent and its Diaspora witnessed yet another major civilizational shock with the resistance against the institution of slavery in Diaspora communities in the United States that brought forth yet another articulation of missions. In the first instance, it was a mission to fight for emancipation and an American national definition (Walker, 1829), and for freed Africans to become fully integrated into mainstream America with all rights and privileges (Meier, 1963). This mission continues to be articulated in this part of Diaspora, even with emancipa- tion in 1863 and the enactment of the second Civil Rights Act in the 1960s. In other parts of Diaspora, notably Haiti, the mission was to free Africans through revolution against the French slavocracy and to establish an African state in the Americas. That mission was fully achieved but has been consistently sabotaged until this day. In the second instance it was a mission designed to have Africans repatriated to the motherland and to carry out the “civilization” and Christianization of a homeland first and foremost portrayed by the slavocracy, and adopted by Africans in Diaspora, as heathenistic and barbaric but with significant natural resources that would sustain development of a Christianized, hence presumably “civilized” Africa. Some Africans of that persua- sion even went as far as to argue that it was divine providence that brought them to the Americas to become Handbook of Black Studies Page 5 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. exposed to the Bible and to return eventually to save the motherland from heathenism and barbarity (Blyden, 1861). With the abolition of slavery throughout the North American Diaspora and the rise of “nationalism” in Africa largely credited for the impetus provided by leaders such as Garvey and Du Bois, yet another mission was articulated: a Pan-African mission that would form the basis for an ideology that would define African interests and serve as a nexus around which strategies for African decolonization would be crafted with the eventual goal of independence (Walters, 1993). This mission still obtains but with confusion over its raison d'être. After the focused goals of decolonization and independence were achieved, Africans began fighting over defini- tions and visions of desirable societies that were not of their making, as in the celebrated rift between the so-called Monrovia and Casablanca groups, during the formative stages of the Organization of African Unity. The leaders blindly accepted Eurocentric visions of the world around tenets of communism and democracy rather than attempt to look at the world through the lenses of an African nationalist ideology that would have formed the basis for an African nationalist theory of development. The blind acceptance remains evident as witnessed by the various discussions on the so-called New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the ideological basis and theory of development, which have no basis in African history outside the colonial experience. What in brief, therefore, is the rhetorically constructed African nationalist ideology of the 19th cen- tury that could influence to an extent the formulation of an African nationalist theory of development? As mentioned earlier, Edward Wilmot Blyden (Holden, 1969; Lynch, 1967) could be credited with the initial formulation of the ideology in question. Arising out of the discourses on the mission and vision regarding the plight of Africans, enslaved and free in 19th century America, two schools of thought shaped the discourse: the integrationists, or those who argued for an American nationality and the emigrationists, those who argued for repatriation to Africa. The discourses of the latter reveal distinct characteristics or tokens that mark the rhetorical construction of an African nationalist ideology. The ideology above is clearly discernable through an examination of the universe of such discourses on a desirable African polity, and the projection of an image of a resultant African society, with distinct tenets that serve as benchmarks. The ideology was constructed around the following tenets: (a) a vision of a future that is willed and to be managed by Africans with political, economic, social, and cultural ramifications and (b) an apotheosis of African history and service to humanity as the basis of its authority. This was a view of a desirable African society and future that has its warrants deeply lodged in the African past and supported by claims of service followed by an apotheosis of African virtue (Blake, 1997). All aspects of the foundation on Handbook of Black Studies Page 6 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. which this ideology was framed and Africa's future projected centered on African history and service. The strategy of framing an ideology grounded in an interpretation and celebration of history and service was extremely important for the target audience. It sought to rekindle pride and confidence in a past that was harshly denigrated by the slavocracy and its supporters. Through the interpretation and analysis of history and service, the brutal and exploitative relationship between the slavocracy and African slaves who provided cheap labor was explained. Biblical warrants were provided as analytical tools to anchor the evidence used to vindicate the African past (Blyden, 1857). The strategy was pragmatic rather than philosophical, hence the need to ground it in a mission construct. Descendants of Africa in the North American Diaspora were required to take pragmatic steps to found an independent entity and in the process, recapture the grandeur of a once glorious past. This pragmatic dimension of the ideology courted action rather than comfort in intellection. In the process of fostering arguments in support of emigrationists, the articulate crafters of the ideology ad- vanced lines of argument that placed Africa's historical contribution to humanity and civilization as a basis for any claims of development in the West (Blyden, 1887). The ideology thus fashioned, forms the basis for a theory of development that would, with the founding of an African nationality after emigration to Africa, be predicated on a vision of Africans as to how they see a desirable future based on their recognition and ap- preciation of several aspects of their past that they celebrated. This postulation is in stark contrast to how the African leadership structure since the early days of independence in the mid-20th century visualized a desir- able future for the continent, predicated on Eurocentric ideologies. Blyden's African nationalist ideology emerges from his consistent rhetorical patterns and appeals in his dis- courses, as he advanced arguments in favor of Black/African repatriation and emigration to Africa as a means of solving the extant race problem in the United States, and how to found an African polity that would be gov- erned by Africans with African interests centered and directed by an African nationalist ideology. A review and rhetorical analysis of his discourses reveal the following ideas, which formed the basis for the ideology I as- cribe to him: providential design, redemptive suffering, and vindication of the negative portrayal of the African past, race pride and the apotheosis of African virtue. In expounding on the ideas above, he argued that Africans became enslaved in the United States as a result of divine providence. It was the will of the deity to have Africans transported to the United States to expose them to Christianity and “civilization” (Blyden, 1862). The latter is paradoxical because he predicated his ap- peal for an emigration to Africa in part on a proud African past that he also apotheosized. They key issue here is that he sought an explanation for the degraded and inhuman situation in which Africans found themselves Handbook of Black Studies Page 7 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. and argued that it was time for them to remove themselves from such a context because providence had been fulfilled. The suffering that they had undergone during enslavement was explained in terms of “redemptive” suffering and tied into the providential design. Of significance was the need for race pride against the background of the recent past that was marked by humiliation and denigration. With repatriation and emigration to Africa, race pride would once again be redeemed, a much needed predisposition for the work required to regenerate the African continent. Because his audience had endured not just physical abuse but a massive emotional onslaught that portrayed Africans as a historical, he arduously explained and glorified Africa's past and its service to humanity. Along the lines of the same theme, he painted a picture of a continent with all the resources and potential for a high quality of life: First and foremost, Africa for Africans with all rights and privileges and living in freedom; political autonomy in the form of control of African destiny by Africans; economic independence and develop- ment because of the availability of massive land for agriculture, which would be under the control of Africans as a means for economic enhancement as well as unfettered shelter; social and cultural advancement in the forms of mastery and display of various forms of arts. Institutions would be built to implement programs for national development along the lines articulated above. Appeals to race pride combined with the apotheosis of African virtue projected an image filled with hope and a vision of a desirable society in which an African national definition can automatically be achieved. His rhetor- ical strategy was basically to fashion ultimately, an ideology that presented an alternative vision of life and society for a population that had known nothing but suffering and degradation in the West. Garvey in the early 20th century would adopt the same tenets of the rhetorical strategy used by Blyden, as he argued as well for the consolidation of African interests in Africa, by Africans, and for Africans. Nowhere in the rhetoric of the African leadership structure during the early days of independence in Ghana, or elsewhere, for that matter—could such a sharp and clear articulation of African interests grounded in African social thought be found. Rather, the leadership structure was fractious, pronouncing their allegiances to ideologies that were not of their making with hardly any basis in Africa's past. A case may be made in favor of Nyere's ujaama, to an extent, even though its dominant ethos appears to have been influenced by socialist thought. Of significance is that the ideology constructed in Diaspora centered African interests as the point of departure even within the context of partnerships with non-Africans. This can be substantiated by an examination of Blyden's close alliance with the American Colonization Society, whose aims and objectives were to repatriate Handbook of Black Studies Page 8 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. freed Africans to Africa so as to rid the United States of freed Blacks who may incite those in slavery to re- volt (Staudenraus, 1961). Even though the interests of the American Colonization Society were rather selfish, given the fact that their mission was not to abolish slavery but rather get rid of freed slaves in their midst, this aspect of Blyden's partnership centered his interests without abdicating from any aspect of his ideological tenets, some of which were antithetical to the ideology of the American Colonization Society. What obtains in 21st century African partnerships with non-African entities is the centering of Western ideological interests as the basis for African national development. The so-called New Partnership for African Development repre- sents a clear example of this anomaly. Kwame Nkrumah and the African Nationalist Ideology Stemming from the above, the argument here is that a cross section of the African leadership structure with ties to the North American African Diaspora of the 19th and 20th centuries somehow did not see fit to pursue what leading Africans in Diaspora crafted as a viable ideology. The visions of people like Blyden and even Garvey and their subsequent ideological stances appears to have made no impact, although the best-known ideologue during the early days of independence, Kwame Nkrumah, made some interesting references to Garveyism. For instance Nkrumah (1957), explaining the influence that Dr. Kwegir Aggrey had on several Africans, ob- served that Aggrey understood Garvey's stance of “Africa for Africans,” but was opposed to racial separatism, believing that Blacks and Whites should work together. Nkrumah (1957), on the other hand was skeptical about Aggrey's stance, arguing that Blacks and Whites could work together only if the Black race is treated equally. He even went on to argue “that only a free and independent people—a people with a government of their own—can claim equality, racial or otherwise, with another people” (p. 14). It is interesting to note that such a posture—an “independent people … with a government of their own”—was very consistent with Bly- denite thought, yet Nkrumah (1968) believed that “scientific socialism” was the only solution and path toward African development. More interestingly, Nkrumah acknowledged that “of all the literature that I studied, the book that did more than any other to fire my enthusiasm was Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey published in 1923” (Nkrumah, 1957, p. 45). He made no mention of the brilliant Blyden of the 19th century who was clearly the precursor to practically every aspect of Garveyite thought, in a more sophisticated and scholarly manner. Handbook of Black Studies Page 9 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Furthermore, Nkrumah (1957) regarded Garvey's ideology as one that dealt with “black nationalism as op- posed to African nationalism” (p. 54). He noted that because the preponderance of members attending the Congress [Fifth Pan-African Congress] were African [ital- ics added, because he distinguished participants based on geographical origins rather than Diaspo- ra linkages], its ideology became African nationalism—revolt by African nationalism against colonial- ism, racialism and imperialism in Africa—and adopted Marxist socialism as its philosophy. (p. 53) What is critical to observe at this juncture is that Nkrumah recognized the locus and importance of an African ideology but centered it in spatial contexts and Marxist thought rather than Africa's past and contributions to humanity and civilization within a Diaspora context. Granted, Marxist thought provided an analytical tool in attempting to understand and explain colonialism. But it was just one among other analytical tools that could have been used. Blyden's African nationalist ideology was a viable alternative analytical tool that explained slavery, colonialism, and racism. One of the most revealing aspects of the attitude of Nkrumah (1957) to Garveyite thought, which has its roots in Blydenite thought, was the way he treated Garvey's “Africa for Africans” slogan, which incidentally was used as well by precursors of African nationalist thought in the nineteenth century. Writing about his visit to Liberia and a speech he made at a public rally, he said: ‘Africa for Africans!’ I cried, ‘Africa for the Africans,’ but not the kind of philosophy that Marcus Garvey preached. No! We are bringing into being another Africa for the Africans with a dif- ferent concept. (p. 184) The concept he explained was “A free and independent state in Africa. We want to be able to govern our- selves in this country of ours without outside interference—and we are going to see that it is done!” (1957, pp. 185–186). Clearly, the concept is definitely not new, as should be evident by now. Africans in Diaspora pre- dated his exclamation nearly 100 years earlier. The philosophy preached by the precursors centered African interests rooted in the African past and contribution to civilization. Nkrumah centered socialism as the basis of handling African interests. He described himself as a “non-denominational Christian and Marxist social- ist” (p. 12). The issue here is not that Nkrumah is to be faulted for not adopting an ideological stance that is rooted in the African past and that would have probably be enhanced by him but, rather, that there was an alternative African (he called it “Black”) nationalist ideology, which he recognized but decided not to adopt. He emphatically made a distinction between “Black nationalism” and “African nationalism.” The former is Diaspo- Handbook of Black Studies Page 10 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. ra centered, and the latter spatially centered on the continent. On a focused treatment of ideology, Nkrumah (1964) states: Though … ideology is the key to the inward identity of its group, it is in intent solidarist. For an ideol- ogy does not merely seek to unite a section of the people; it seeks to unite the whole society, when it becomes dominant. (p. 57) In essence “The ideology of a society is total. It embraces the whole life of a people, and manifests itself in their class structure, history, literature [and one could add oral traditions] art, religion” (p. 59). Given the im- portant locus of “history” in ideological contexts, Nkrumah contends, “Our history needs to be written as the history of our society, not as the story of European adventure. African society must be treated as enjoying its own integrity; its history must be a mirror of that society” (p. 63). Interestingly, the crafters of the African nationalist ideology in the 19th century centered their concerns in African history to the extent of going all out to vindicate it in the form of sophisticated and elaborate treatises (Blyden, 1857, 1887). The parallels with Nkrumahs concerns for history are fascinating, yet it is evident that his Marxist doctrinaire position obviated what should have been the dominant role and function of African history as he sought to argue for the creation of a desirable society using Marxist tools. Perhaps it may be too broad a generalization to conclude that Nkrumah's overwhelming allegiance to social- ism blinded his vision as to the possible option presented by Blydenite thought. He skillfully assessed African society in the early days of independence as having one segment which comprises our traditional way of life; it has a second segment which is filled by the presence of the Islamic tradition in Africa; it has a final segment which represents the infiltration of the Christian tradition and culture of Western Europe, using colonialism and neo-colonialism as its primary vehicles. (Nkrumah, 1964, p. 68) He goes on to conclude that the “traditional face of Africa includes an attitude towards man which can only be described, in its social manifestation, as being socialist [italics mine]” (p. 68). Socialism, in his view, provides the “theoretical basis of African communalism” (p. 69). In a profound discussion contrasting capitalism with socialism, Nkrumah relates further a near organic linkage of socialism with traditional African social organi- zation. He argues, “If one seeks the socio-political ancestor of socialism, one must go to communalism…. In socialism, the principles underlying communalism are given expression in modern circumstances” (p. 73). Handbook of Black Studies Page 11 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. Approached in such a manner, it could be argued that conflating socialism and communalism provided for Nkrumah, a grounding of his ideological stance on traditional African social organization principles. This no- tion, however, is not consistent with what has been argued here for the creation of an African nationalist ide- ology in Diaspora, predicated on Africa's historical past and contribution to civilization. The Diaspora ideolo- gy was more grounded in Africa's glorious past, which encapsulates not just social organization, but Africa's contribution toward human civilization in general. In fact, the apotheosis of African virtue enunciated in the rhetoric of Blyden raises the level of Africa's contribution over and above the history of other races and re- gions (Blyden, 1887, pp. 113–129). The above is presented as an attempt to understand in part, why the African nationalist ideology treated in this essay seemed not to have been viewed as an alternative. Nkrumah practically links African traditional society to socialism and does not take into consideration the fact that articulate Diaspora Africans would pred- icate their view of history not just in terms of traditional African values but in terms of their historical past in bondage, which necessitated a sustained rhetorical flourish aimed at vindicating the history of the race. This view of history—as one of “race” as well as “tradition”—is what makes the African nationalist ideology funda- mentally different from that adopted by ideologues such as Nkrumah. The African nationalist ideology did not take hold at the dawn of independence of Africa. Socialism did not flourish. Is the ideology worth revisiting, and what represents the major obstacle(s) to it serving as a viable alternative? The African Challenge: Is a Renaissance Feasible? It is debatable whether or not the African nationalist ideology as delineated, or even a modification thereof, is feasible against the background of what obtains not just in African states with historical ties to the North American Diaspora, but on the continent as a whole. The biggest threat against the adoption of such an ideol- ogy is the new colonialism. Unlike the neocolonialist phase, this new colonialism is more blatant. There is no attempt to mask it. It comes in the form of a religion, so to say, that is aggressively proselytized. Its warrants and values are deeply embedded in Western tradition and history. Its institutions—such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund as well as the Overseas Development Programmes (ODA) in the North, all of which dictate and dominate the global economy—serve presently as the major sources of support for several African countries, even those endowed with resources both human and physical such as the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The global economy is now invariably equated to “globalization.” The basic tenet of glob- Handbook of Black Studies Page 12 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. alization is Western domination, hence the new colonialism. African economies for whatever they are presently worth are inextricably linked to the dominant West, in the absence of a clearly defined African nationalist theory of development. Through partnerships such as NEPAD, the African leadership structure has been fully consumed by globalization. The overall context within which Africa finds itself calls for a similar response Blyden made in addressing the question regarding the solution of the Black/African problem in the United States. Blyden and like-minded Africans in the North American Diaspora articulated a mission on which a nationalist ideology was crafted. The current African leadership structure manifests impotence in so many ways, so as to render it incapable of articulating a mission and subsequently an ideology that would center its interests first and foremost before engaging in extraterritorial partnerships. When Europeans decided to colonize Africa, they articulated an ideology that portrayed European civilization and values as superior to those of the territories they colonized predicated on a providential warrant to con- quer and rule. From that ideological standpoint, they crafted a theory of colonization. The theory was simple: Expanding territorial hegemony outside the confines of their respective countries would bring about power, prosperity, and control not just of their destiny, but that of the colonized as well. Hodgkin (1957) has an inter- esting take on this. To apply the theory, he contends, the colonial powers set up administrative mechanisms that were required and necessary to implement and achieve the goals of that which they theorized. They did not stop just at the level of creating administrative structures. They defined the type and quality of relation- ships that should exist between the colonizers and colonized. This was a willed process, predicated on a theory that they sought to demonstrate—and that they demonstrated. The Republic of South Africa before, its liberation, had an entrenched White dominant class that subscribed to the European ideology mentioned above and from that crafted a nationalist theory for development referred to as apartheid that articulated (a) how Whites saw themselves in that land; (b) how they should distribute, control, and manage the resources of the land for their benefit; and (c) how they should deal with Africans and the entire world system. Theirs was not just a defiant nationalist theory, but one that also came with the cre- ation of institutions and infrastructure suited for the application of the nationalist theory in its totality: political, economic, social, cultural, and juridical. Apartheid was abominable, but it presented a clear and tacit nation- alist theory with a determined mission to succeed. After several years, African resistance defeated apartheid. The African challenge, therefore, that may signal prospects for a renaissance is to satisfy the need for a na- tionalist ideology and theory of development required to build and manage political, economic, social, cultural, Handbook of Black Studies Page 13 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. and judicial institutions and infrastructure consistent with the goals and objectives articulated in the ideology and theory formulated. Rhetorically put, however, why is it so difficult for Africa and its leadership structure to come up with an ideology and theory free from Northern pressures? Why is it that the African leadership struc- ture seems to be oblivious to history, particularly the 19th century when there was a clearly discernible African nationalist ideology in response to the exigencies of the time? The nationalist ideology that would be the basis for developing a theory of development need not be the exact replica of the tenets of the nationalist ideology crafted in the 19th century. Modifications to reflect the imperatives of the time need to be made. Even if one were to argue that the context and imperatives of the 19th century are not the same as the present—which, by the way, is arguable given the wretched state of affairs in many African countries with regard to national pride and self confidence—the African leadership structure does not seem to wish for a “renaissance” that will bring about an ideology and theory of development that will reflect integrity pride, and commitment to the well-being of all Africans. The idea of such a “renaissance” appears not be an issue of concern across the spectrum of the African lead- ership structure. Extant political, economic, and trade issues create a troubling environment for a possible renaissance based on any African nationalist ideology. What are some of the extent factors that would impede any possible adoption of an African-centered ideology against the prevailing circumstances? To begin with, stewardship to a presumably “giving” and benevolent international system blurs the vision of some in the African leadership structure, presenting obstacles on the path toward the articulation of an African nationalist ideology and theory. A naive view by some in the lead- ership structure that there is a sense of common interest among members of the Northern and African hemi- sphere as the driving impetus for collaboration for development in Africa exacerbates the problem (NEPAD, 2001). The new colonialism is clearly a neoreligious drive, with the popular nomenclature democratization or global- ization. It is a religion that is being proselytized using multiple strategies and weapons. The strategies range from presumed partnerships, based on discursive methods, to the use of terror and the threat of lethal force to implant “democracy,” as the only ideological framework for all nations. Let me hasten to state that the core issue here is not democracy per se, but the notion that the dominant system can dictate through partnerships, using terror or threats, its preferred ideology. Partnerships, however, should not be engaged in without a mutual definitional exercise on critical issues such as ideology and interests. These should be mutually agreed-on, even though the ideologies might well be dif- Handbook of Black Studies Page 14 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. ferent. What obtains in Africa presently appears to be a blind acceptance of an ideological definition provided only by the North and used as leverage for “development” assistance. In this vein, institutions to be created in efforts to realize this ideology will perforce be designed by the dominant partner who provides the ideological framework, and in the process, the rest of the members of the partnership remain decidedly weak and at the mercy of the dominant partner. African interests are identified and defined primarily within the context of the partnership and the framework of the dominant ideology. This aspect of “interests” is paramount in all partnerships. When “interests” identified and defined by the dominant partner are perceived to be threatened, dominant partners tend to use nondis- cursive means such as threats, force, and terror to reign in weaker members of the partnership. The actions might include even the use of force to effect a “regime change” to ascertain the dominance and perpetuation of the ideology and the protection of interests central to the concerns of the dominant partner. It is hardly fea- sible that a partnership such as the much-touted creation of NEPAD can encourage the articulation and pro- mulgation of an African nationalist ideology and theory of development. Such an ideology will be antithetical to the central interests of the dominant partners in the partnership. The interests are not “common.” They are directly tied to the desire to perpetuate continued hegemonic advantages of the North. Furthermore, person- al ambition within the African leadership structure, satisfied by corrupt accumulation of wealth with the tacit support of the dominant Northern leadership structure, notwithstanding its lip service to fighting corruption in Africa, even makes it problematic for the creation of an African nationalist ideology and theory of develop- ment. Besides the above, African national development is stifled because the leadership structure still fights battles that were started during the colonial era regarding issues of boundaries, which are now motivated by greed and avarice. Contiguous “states” fashioned from arbitrary national boundaries, engage at times in bloody war- fare over ownership of resources, complicating the already dire living conditions of their respective populace. Even with the creation of subregional groupings such as the Mano River Union States of Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, the failure to recognize the centrality of an African nationalist ideology and theory of develop- ment, creates problems for eliminating boundaries and consolidating subregional sovereignty. What obtains is the dominance of pseudo -statist concerns that nurture sources for conflict, the dreadful results of which everyone is familiar in that sub-region since 1993. Such concerns largely culled from visions of North/South relationships articulated either by former colonial powers, or at one time the competing socialist formula, continue to serve as obstacles for the fashioning of Handbook of Black Studies Page 15 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. an African nationalist ideology and theory of development in response to the objective realities in the conti- nent and predicated on the recognition of its collective strengths and interests. Such postures may also ex- plain why the preponderance of trade relations is mainly Northern directed. North/South trade is far more comprehensive than intra-African trade, even though Africa possesses a huge market within its confines. An African nationalist theory would, for example, address the need to develop and structure in a more productive manner the institutions and mechanisms required to augment both the quality and quantity of products for intra-Africa trade as well as North/South trade agreements, concomitantly enhancing confidence in finished African products. Ironically, even with the fashioning of a vision and mission when the OAU (Organization for African Unity) was founded and lately the African Union, as well as other subregional groupings, institutions were indeed created to achieve the objectives stated above as far as intra-African trade and other relations are concerned. All one has to do, however, is to take a close look at the institutions and see how much they mimic the structures of the colonial powers, which may explain their ineffectiveness. Besides the political and economic aspects that could benefit from the formulation of an African nationalist theory of development, there is lot to be said about the cultural dimension so critical for the preservation of those values that promote social cohesion, a sense of belongingness, harmony, and discipline. Inter-African and inter-cultural relations, central to efforts of creating unifying cultural norms, remain at obscure levels, re- stricted in many instances to sports—namely soccer and in some subregions, cricket—activities that have attained international character. One is yet to read or hear about inter-African warri contests, for example. Warri is a game played practically in all regions of the continent, yet it has not attained a continental character for it to serve as a unifying cultural factor or indeed representing a cultural nexus. In addition to issues involv- ing convivial activities, the idea of systematizing African philosophical thought, religious thought, or both as a corollary to an African nationalist theory, which may serve as a unifying or rallying factor, does not seem to take hold at the continental level. In Asia, Confucianism and Buddhism are central unifying factors that help shape and inculcate moral values. Even though there are different Asian nations with ideological allegiances that are not Asian centered, the two religio-philosophical concepts mentioned above provide threads required to weave some form of a collective Asian ethos. Cheikh Anta Diop (1962) provides the foundations for the aggregation of such unifying and rallying factors that may indeed usher in a cultural renaissance. Yet one does not see the manifestation of Diopian thought as a basic requirement for education across the continent and in Diaspora communities, nor sustained and comprehensive continental research with the objective of fashioning a unifying cultural mechanism that may help rediscover integrity and pride in self and heritage—two elements critical for the formulation of an African Handbook of Black Studies Page 16 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. nationalist ideology and theory of development. This is where the celebration and inculcation of African value systems necessary for confidence building and a strong sense of identity become germane. There are film festivals and the like. But these are anecdotal rather than being part of a comprehensive system designed to inculcate pertinent African value systems in the daily lives of Africans. In the United States for example, people are reminded on a daily basis through various media and other for- mats not only about their identity as Americans but the near apotheosis of American strength, valor, and pre- sumed world leadership. For instance, the winners of baseball championship matches played among North American baseball teams are declared “world champions,” even though baseball is played professionally in Asia and Latin America. A clearly propagandistic and even willfully deceptive act, such deliberately organized sports and cultural-related activities galvanize Americans at least during such activities and serve as sources for personal and national pride, reaffirmation of self-confidence, and a strong sense of patriotism. To demonstrate the power of having a systematic and comprehensive set of cultural/convivial activities as part of promoting a strong sense of national identity and pride, the “world championship” mechanism is not restricted only to baseball. The activities are always in progress, methodically affecting the daily lives of Amer- icans. For even before they conclude the baseball season and declare the “world champions,” another sport is already at play in the form of American football. At the end of its season America will announce the world champions! Even before the football season ends, basketball will commence, leading to the declaration of yet another world champion, with hockey following immediately. So the process is a never-ending reminder and celebration of American “greatness” through convivial mechanisms that are wealth generators as well. The cultural dimension in the formulation of an African nationalist theory of development would have to address the absence of a well-organized system to promulgate and celebrate those African values deemed desirable through various forms. Important galvanizing cultural and convivial activities cannot thus be constructed anec- dotally or left to the whims and caprices of Ministries of Culture that are more concerned with the promotion of tourism and the like than the consolidation of African value systems. Civil society organizations have to play a central role in efforts to galvanize and systematize convivial activities in society. Conclusion Is there a way forward in terms of formulating an African nationalist ideology and theory of development? Possibly, but the onus should not be placed only on the African political leadership structure to formulate one. Handbook of Black Studies Page 17 of 20 Sage Sage Reference © 2006 by Sage Publications, Inc. The leadership has failed historically to engage in such a formulation, relying on client relationships with the dominant ideologies at one time—democratic/capitalist and communist/socialist. The situation is not totally hopeless. The onus is on like-minded individuals and institutions in Africa and Di- aspora no matter how small, keen to formulate and eventually work toward the establishment of an African nationalist ideology and development theory. This could be done by making inroads into academic institutions in Africa and by publishing and speaking vigorously on the subject with the hope of predisposing would-be and young political aspirants. Independent think tanks and small research groups connected to networks that endorse the idea of working toward the formulation of not just an African nationalist ideology and development theory but also the creation of the type of institutions and infrastructure necessary for implementation as well as resource generation and management are needed. Barring a major reversal in the mind-set of the African political structure away from complacency and toward the formulation of an African nationalist ideology and theory of development, the process may be drawn out should civil society alone be left to work on the issue. The discussion in this essay was motivated by the observation that Africans in Diaspora in the 19th century recognized major exigencies that needed solutions grounded in an African nationalist ideology. They articu- lated a mission on which their ideology was crafted. There was no positive influence of this significant histori- cal event on the African ideological scene since decolonization and independence. Instead, Africans have by and large been complacent and apparently content with the ideological formulations or adaptations thereof, of the dominant Euro-American system. Historical figures such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania failed in this regard. 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