W3 Readings PDF

Week 3 Reading 1: Reading: ‘The People Cannot Live in the Air’: History of the Squatter Movement in South Africa Amakomiti: Grassroots Democracy in South African Shack Settlements" à Trevor Ngwane Main Argument: ◦ Ngwane's main argument centres around the concept and functionality of "amakomit...

Week 3 Reading 1: Reading: ‘The People Cannot Live in the Air’: History of the Squatter Movement in South Africa Amakomiti: Grassroots Democracy in South African Shack Settlements" à Trevor Ngwane Main Argument: ◦ Ngwane's main argument centres around the concept and functionality of "amakomiti" (community committees) within South African shack settlements. ◦ He posits that these grassroots decision-making structures have historically emerged during heightened periods of struggle and revolution, particularly during the anti-apartheid movement, and have persisted in the post-apartheid era despite the decline of other community structures. The amakomiti serve dual roles: - as organs of struggle during times of conflict and - as structures of grassroots self-governance during more stable periods. Context: ◦ The book delves into the history of the squatter movement in South Africa, examining the political and economic conditions that gave rise to shack settlements and the community organizations within them. Highlights how these settlements and their associated grassroots organizations have been shaped by the broader political economy, including the history of migrant labor and proletarianization in South Africa. Ngwane also explores specific historical case studies, such as the role of James Sofasonke Mpanza and the Sofasonke movement in Soweto during the 1940s, to illustrate how past struggles and organizational forms influence present-day practices in shack settlements. Summary of reading ◦ Grassroots decision-making structures, such as Russian soviets, Italian factory councils, and Iranian shuras, tend to emerge during periods of heightened struggle and revolution. ◦ In South Africa, black working-class communities formed grassroots organizations like township civics and street committees during the struggle against apartheid, which have since declined post-apartheid. ◦ Amakomiti, however, continue to thrive in the post-apartheid era. ◦ the history and roles of amakomiti in South Africa: - considering them as organs of struggle and grassroots self-governance structures influenced by a tradition passed down through generations. ◦ Political economy context, particularly migrant labor's role in shaping South Africa's black working class and housing shortages leading to shack settlements.  ◦ Historical grassroots organization in Mpondoland and Johannesburg's squatter movement in the 1940s led by James Sofasonke Mpanza. ◦ Shack-self-organization and movements in the 1980s, particularly in Alexandra, noting the influence of past struggles on present-day forms of organization in shack settlements. iinkundla zamampondo, migrant labour and proletarianization ◦ Early 19th century: - AmaMpondo disrupted by merchant capital and colonialism, similar to Khoi and San experiences. ◦ 1820: - British settlers further east confronted amaXhosa, amaMfengu, amaMpondo, and others, driven by merchant capitalism transforming into industrial capitalism. ◦ Eastern Cape African societies: - Homestead-based production and governance, with chiefs and clan leaders managing tribute and councils (iinkundla). ◦ Colonialism increased chiefs' power, introducing despotism and impacting traditional governance. ◦ Harold Wolpe’s theory: - Indigenous institutions preserved to reduce labor costs; critiques argue for amaMpondo agency. ◦ Beinart: - AmaMpondo's labor migration was a strategic response to economic decline and colonial pressures. ◦ Chiefs supported communal land ownership, maintaining some economic security. ◦ Cattle advance system: - Migrant labor payments supported domestic herds, illustrating active engagement with capitalism. ◦ Migrant workers and peasant communities maintained agency despite constraints, influencing modern amakomiti. The squatter movement in the 1940s ◦ Traces of the 1940s squatters’ movement are evident in today's amakomiti. ◦ The squatters’ movement aimed to establish camps on occupied land, despite opposition, leading to forced removals and demolitions by the state. ◦ Focus on Sofasonke movement in Soweto, led by James Sofasonke Mpanza, who mobilized thousands to demand state housing. ◦ The movement spread to various parts of Johannesburg, employing mass mobilization and direct action to challenge the state. ◦ Mpanza’s leadership was characterized by autonomy, popular democracy, and militant opposition to authorities. ◦ The squatter movement's power stemmed from self-organization and mass action, involving active participation and defence of camps by the people. ◦ The movement contrasted state-offered democracy, providing more freedom and involvement for marginalized groups, especially women. ◦ Segregationist and apartheid planners preferred cheap male black labor over families, leading to hostility towards women. ◦ Women’s lack of housing access pushed them to the forefront of squatter movements. ◦ Squatter camps were self-organized, maintaining order and providing amenities, often in defiance of municipal control. ◦ Camps operated with a degree of self-management, posing a threat to the government’s control. ◦ Government concern focused on controlling the squatter movement rather than addressing housing needs. ◦ The state aimed to maintain a cheap labour system, which was crucial for capitalist profit despite economic growth. ◦ Urbanization in the 1940s increased the urban African population, including a significant rise in female migration. ◦ Squatter movements were working-class urban movements, involving people struggling to establish themselves in the city. ◦ State efforts to control urban migration created hardships, provoking resistance movements like the squatter movement. ◦ Mainstream social movement theory often overlooks class contradictions. ◦ Piven and Cloward’s theory of 'poor people’s movements' lacks materialist concepts and historical specificity. ◦ Studies should integrate specific historical forces in context. ◦ Squatters should be viewed as workers needing shelter, with increased workplace and residential struggles indicating a broader working-class movement. ◦ The squatter movement was a working-class response to capitalist contradictions, developing unique self-organisation forms. ◦ Mpanza’s political practice was complex, involving the Sofasonke Party, differing from contemporary definitions of autonomy. ◦ The 1940s squatter movement was inward-looking, lacked broader support and long-term objectives, and relied mainly on land invasions. ◦ Authorities countered land invasions with alternative accommodation, reducing the movement's political challenge. ◦ The squatter movement missed opportunities to ally with the broader workers’ movement and capitalize on rising worker militancy and national liberation politics. Shack dwellers and the united democratic front in the 1980s and 1990s ◦ Shack settlements were key battlegrounds in the anti-apartheid movement, although some argue the poorest distanced themselves from political activism. ◦ Different shack settlements had varied experiences due to changes from relaxed influx control laws, heightened struggle, and social turmoil. ◦ Theoretical debates highlight whether shack dwellers were inclined to join struggles for better living conditions. ◦ The United Democratic Front (UDF) united various local and sectoral struggles, including shack dwellers, but faced internal class-based debates. ◦ The UDF sometimes neglected the poorest in the creation of a new nation, with some shack dwellers avoiding confrontational politics due to vulnerability. ◦ Justine Lucas's study showed varying participation modes among shack dwellers, influenced by social dynamics and kinship ties. ◦ Broader political phenomena should be contextualized by considering underlying social dynamics. ◦ Women played significant roles in shack dwellers’ movements, notably in the 1970s and 1980s, but their contributions were often marginalized in official histories. Important points ◦ Trevor Ngwane explores the role and significance of amakomiti, grassroots community committees, within South African shack settlements. ◦ He argues that these committees are crucial for local self-governance and have historically emerged during periods of heightened struggle, such as the anti-apartheid movement. Despite the decline of other community structures in the post-apartheid era, amakomiti have continued to thrive and adapt to new challenges. ◦ Ngwane examines the historical roots of these grassroots organizations, tracing their development from early forms of community organization among migrant laborers and squatter movements in the mid-20th century. ◦ He highlights the political and economic conditions that shaped these movements, such as the lack of housing for black workers and the oppressive apartheid policies. ◦ The book provides detailed case studies, including the influential role of James Sofasonke Mpanza in the 1940s squatter movement in Johannesburg. ◦ Through these examples, Ngwane illustrates how past struggles and organizational strategies influence contemporary practices in shack settlements. ◦ Overall, Ngwane emphasizes the importance of understanding the dual roles of amakomiti as both organs of struggle and structures of grassroots democracy, showing how they continue to be vital in addressing the needs and challenges of South Africa's shack dwellers. Reading 2: "Geographies of Racial Capitalism: The 2021 July Riots in South Africa" à Ashwin Desai's Main Argument: ◦ Desai's article argues that the 2021 July riots in South Africa can be understood through the lens of racial capitalism: - framework that explains how racial and economic dynamics are intertwined and continuously shape social relations and conflicts. ◦ He suggests that the ANC-led government’s failure to address the inherited apartheid geographies and racialized forms of capital accumulation contributed significantly to the conditions that sparked the riots. ◦ Desai emphasizes the ongoing nature of racial capitalism, - viewing it as a process rather than a single event, and - argues that contemporary events like the Phoenix violence during the riots are manifestations of these deeper, structural issues. Context: ◦ The article is set against the backdrop of the 2021 riots that followed the incarceration of former President Jacob Zuma. ◦ Desai situates the analysis specifically in Phoenix, a township in Durban, where the violence took on a racial dimension, pitting African against Indian communities. ◦ The article discusses the broader socio-economic conditions, including high unemployment and the ANC’s economic policies, which have failed to deliver on promises of development for poor black communities. ◦ Desai also critiques the ANC's post-apartheid economic strategies, - highlighting how racial capitalism continues to perpetuate inequalities and social tensions in South Africa. Summary of reading Introduction ◦ In July 2021, widespread rioting and looting occurred in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng, South Africa, following the imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma. ◦ The riots had ethnic dimensions, centered in Zulu-speaking areas, and were fuelled by high unemployment and socio-economic issues. ◦ South Africa’s government has struggled to deliver on development promises, compounded by corruption within the ANC. ◦ Despite the riots' destruction, different racial and class groups largely avoided direct conflict with each other.  ◦ Phoenix township saw significant violence, linked to historical racial divisions and current economic dynamics. ◦ Racial capitalism, a concept linking racial domination with capital accumulation, remains relevant in understanding South Africa’s socio-economic issues post-apartheid. ◦ Newer social forces, including post-apartheid Black capitalists, have exploited ethnic divisions within the tender market. ◦ Bhattacharyya’s work highlights the ongoing impact of racial capitalism and the active participation of individuals in perpetuating these economic and social structures. Phoenix ◦ In July 2021, widespread looting and violence erupted in KZN and Gauteng, resembling a war and causing significant destruction. ◦ The riots lasted ten days, resulting in the loss of shops, jobs, and over 500 lives, with billions of rands in damages. ◦ A few organized instigators used social media to direct the violence, partly to pressure the government into releasing former President Jacob Zuma. ◦ The focus of the violence in Phoenix, an Indian township, led to assaults and killings of Africans, causing social discord and threatening a race war. ◦ Phoenix was historically populated by Indians due to apartheid-era forced relocations, and its economy has struggled post-apartheid with reduced job opportunities and organized crime. ◦ Affirmative action policies have caused tension by favouring African over Indian applicants for jobs and education. ◦ Government neglect and corruption have exacerbated economic difficulties and infrastructure decay. ◦ Despite the end of apartheid's Group Areas, racial classification persists, influencing social and economic dynamics. ◦ The violence in Phoenix can be linked to racial capitalism, with African chauvinists exploiting state resources and shifting discontent onto racial minorities. Between borders and business forums ◦ Looting spread from northern Durban to Cornubia, with social media amplifying fears and tensions. ◦ Phoenix was highlighted on social media, with threats of violence and vigilantism, affecting local dynamics. ◦ Historical context includes past conflicts between African and Indian communities, particularly in 1949 and 1985, contributing to current tensions. ◦ A siege mentality emerged among residents of Phoenix due to perceived threats, exacerbated by a lack of police presence. ◦ There were instances of violence against African individuals in Phoenix, driven by fears and mobilization through social media.  ◦ The socio-political landscape involved a struggle for resources and power, with tensions framed racially. ◦ The jailing of former President Zuma catalysed unrest, as it threatened established corrupt networks and agitated local leaders. ◦ Local political dynamics involved patronage networks and corruption tied to the ANC, impacting community relations. ◦ Anti-Indian sentiment arose from historical grievances, further inflamed by political rhetoric. ◦ Various factions exploited the unrest to deflect blame for economic challenges, using racial tensions as a scapegoat. Present futures ◦ Normalized violence continues in Phoenix and Kwa-Mashu, with drug lords exerting control and many youths caught in a cycle of addiction. ◦ Post-1994, areas like Umhlanga and Mount Edgecombe developed into affluent “edge cities,” contrasting sharply with nearby impoverished communities. ◦ Significant socio-economic disparities exist, with wealth and poverty coexisting side by side. ◦ “Satanic geographies of uneven development” illustrate the stark class, race, and spatial inequalities in the region. ◦ Local initiatives like Ubuntu Committees and Social Cohesion workshops exist, but youth participation is low. ◦ Gupta, an unemployed Indian man, feels marginalized and believes that jobs are not available for Indians; he engaged in community defence during unrest. ◦ Zuma, a young man from a shack settlement, experiences resentment toward Phoenix Indians and feels that they obstruct his access to opportunities. ◦ Both individuals perceive their neighbourhoods as domains of power but feel powerless outside them, highlighting local hierarchies and identity struggles. ◦ Tensions arise from perceived differences, with both groups adopting racial identities to navigate local economic conditions. ◦ Historical evictions and dispossessions further complicate the dynamics of resource competition and identity formation between the groups. Endings and beginnings ◦ During the July 2021 riots, looting occurred in Gauteng, with Soweto residents mobilizing to protect property, contrasting with violence between African and Indian working-class communities in Phoenix. ◦ The enduring influence of apartheid-era language shapes current political perceptions and narratives about violence and community dynamics. ◦ Luxurious estates like Mount Edgecombe continue to develop, catering to Indian and African families seeking to escape impoverished areas.  ◦ The ANC government prioritizes attracting business over countering unplanned developments, leading to ongoing edge city growth in north Durban. ◦ Gupta and Zuma represent “the disposable poor,” forced to navigate survival strategies in a context shaped by racial capitalism and exploitation. ◦ The violence highlights divisions and recruitment for local political and criminal enterprises along racial lines. ◦ There is scepticism about the potential for an anti-racist movement among youth, with schools serving as potential spaces for shared identity formation. ◦ Current socio-political efforts, such as ubuntu workshops, are seen as inadequate and merely holding patterns rather than solutions to deep-rooted issues. ◦ Racial and class distinctions hinder solidarity, as race alone is no longer a reliable indicator of disadvantage in contemporary South Africa. ◦ The region faces ongoing violence from drug lords and police complicity, while tensions between African communities and migrants are rising. ◦ Racial capitalism manifests through exclusion, containment, and a limited participation model, exacerbating competition for resources and reinforcing identity-based divisions. ◦ Socio-economic stresses, driven by multiple global and local factors, influence identity formation and resource allocation among communities. ◦ The histories of Gupta and Zuma illustrate the complexities of racial privilege and discrimination within a racially stratified economic system. ◦ A call for non-racialism and unity emerges as a hopeful response amidst the tensions and ongoing challenges in Phoenix a year after the riots. Main/key points ◦ Context of the Riots: - The July 2021 riots in South Africa were triggered by the imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma. - These riots involved widespread looting and violence, particularly in the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng. ◦ Racial Dynamics: - The violence took on an ethnic character, particularly evident in the township of Phoenix, where tensions between African and Indian communities escalated. - Desai emphasizes that while the riots were destructive, they also reflected historical grievances and existing socio-economic divisions. ◦ Racial Capitalism Framework: - Desai uses the concept of racial capitalism to explain the riots. - He argues that racial domination and capital accumulation are interlinked and that the dynamics of racial capitalism continue to shape contemporary social relations and conflicts in South Africa. ◦ Government Failure:  - The ANC government’s inability to confront inherited apartheid geographies and address the economic needs of poor black communities contributed significantly to the conditions that fuelled the riots. - Desai criticizes the ANC's conservative economic policies that have failed to deliver on development promises. ◦ Continuing Inequality: - Desai points to high unemployment rates, pervasive corruption within the ANC, and a lack of meaningful redistribution of resources as key factors perpetuating inequality. - He argues that these economic and social disparities act as a powder keg for social unrest. ◦ Historical Tensions: - The article highlights historical instances of racial violence between Africans and Indians, suggesting that these legacies influence current social dynamics. - The tensions in Phoenix reflect a long-standing history of competition and conflict exacerbated by socio-economic challenges. ◦ Local Capitalism and Violence: - Desai discusses how local Black capitalists have sometimes capitalized on ethnic divisions for economic gain, - pointing out that racial categories and tensions can be manipulated within the tender economy, leading to further social discord. ◦ Role of Social Media: - The use of social media played a significant role in inciting violence during the riots, as rumours and threats circulated rapidly, heightening fears and escalating tensions between communities. ◦ Economic Policy Critique: - Desai critiques the ANC's economic model, arguing that its reliance on market-based approaches has led to the marginalization of poor communities, while simultaneously entrenching existing racial hierarchies. ◦ Ongoing Struggles: - The article concludes that the events of July 2021 are a manifestation of deeper, unresolved issues in South African society related to race, class, and economic inequality. - Desai calls for a critical examination of how racial capitalism continues to affect social relations and community dynamics in contemporary South Africa. Summary of both readings: Both readings explore the intersection of grassroots organization and socio-political struggles in South Africa. Ngwane focuses on the historical and ongoing role of grassroots committees in shack settlements, while Desai examines the contemporary implications of racial capitalism in the context of recent social unrest. Together, they provide a comprehensive view of how historical and structural factors shape community dynamics and conflicts in South Africa.