Period 7 AMSCO PDF

UNIT 7 — Period 7: 1890–1945 Topic 7.1 Contextualizing Period 7 Learning Objective: Explain the context in which America grew into the role as a world power. In the 55 years from 1890 to 1945, Americans went from horses and buggies to automobiles...

UNIT 7 — Period 7: 1890–1945 Topic 7.1 Contextualizing Period 7 Learning Objective: Explain the context in which America grew into the role as a world power. In the 55 years from 1890 to 1945, Americans went from horses and buggies to automobiles and airplanes. Within these decades, the United States fought in two horrific world wars, experienced the worst depression in its history, and emerged a world leader. Altogether, this period brought dramatic changes to how Americans lived and the role of their government. By 1890 the United States had surpassed Great Britain as the leading industrial power in the world, and it would increase that economic leadership through World War II. A strong economy also provided the foundation for America’s expanding role in international affairs and its emergence in 1945 as the world’s leading political and military power. Industrialization, urbanization, and immigration continued to shape events during these years. Economic Growth U.S. economic expansion continued during this period as the nation continued the transition from a rural, agricultural economy to an urban, industrial one. This development included the growth of large corporations and the repetition of earlier cycles of economic booms and busts, culminating in severe hardship during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Stability and Democracy Economic changes along with political and social issues resulted in two significant reform periods, the time of the Progressives and the New Deal. Progressives in the first two decades of the 20th century turned to government action to address economic instability through the creation of the Federal Reserve to regulate banking and the business cycle. Progressives also responded to political corruption by reforming election practices, such as instituting the direct elections of U.S. senators by voters. Social reforms included a constitutional amendment that gave women the right to vote, a landmark in the struggle for gender equality that would continue into the present. Responding to an Economic Crisis The economic collapse and mass unemployment of the Great Depression challenged the laissez-faire economic policies of the 1920s. In response, the Democrats’ New Deal created a limited welfare state to address mass unemployment, to reduce poverty among the elderly, and to help others experiencing economic hardships. Congress 438 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION passed laws regulating banks and the stock market, guaranteeing a minimum wage, creating Social Security and protecting workers in labor unions. The increasing role and size of government to meet problems caused by industrialization fostered the emerging ideology of American liberalism. Conflicts in Culture and Society Popular culture grew dramatically with the introduction of new mass media, such as radio and motion pictures. Changes in popular culture sparked value conflicts over morals, education, religion and science. Some churches objected to the science of evolution being taught in public schools. Reactions to the growth of immigration and internal migration resulted in debates over national identity and the passage of federal restrictions on immigration based on one’s ethnicity or national origin. A resurgent Ku Klux Klan attacked, both politically and physically, African Americans, Roman Catholics, Jews, and immigrants. Shifts in Foreign Relations The conflicts over imperialism and two world wars renewed debate over America’s role in the world. The acquisition of new territories after the Spanish-American War caused some people to question its commitment to traditional national values of freedom, independence, and self- government. In World War I, Americans disagreed over the degree of American interests in the conflict and the best approach to insure national security. After the war, Congress and voters rejected membership in the League of Nations. However, World War II thrust the United States, with its unrivaled economic, political, and military power, into a leadership role in the world. In 1945, the United States embraced the concept of collective security and played a leading role in creating the United Nations. Decisions made after the war, such as the nation’s close alliance with western Europe and its commitment to anti- communism, shaped American foreign policy through the end of the century. ANALYZE THE CONTEXT 1. Explain a historical context for the increased role of the federal government in the U.S. economy during the period from 1890 to 1945. 2. Explain a historical context for the increased role of the United States in world affairs during the period from 1890 to 1945. LANDMARK EVENTS: 1890-1950 LANDMARK EVENTS: 1890–1950 Franklin Roosevelt Congress is elected president The United passes a and begins States enters restrictive implementing The United States World War I. Theodore Roosevelt Immigration the New Deal. drops two atomic 1917 becomes president. Quota Law. 1933 bombs on Japan. 1901 1924 1945 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1898 1920 1919 1929 1941 The Spanish- Women The Versailles win the The Great The United American Depression States enters Treaty concludes vote. War starts. begins. World War II. World War I. Topic 7.1 Contextualizing period 7 439  Topic 7.2 Imperialism: Debates Our form of government, our traditions, our present interests, and our future welfare, all forbid our entering upon a career of conquest. William Jennings Bryan, December 13, 1898 Learning Objective: Explain the similarities and differences in attitudes about the nation’s proper role in the world. After the 1790s, U.S. foreign policy had centered on expanding westward, protecting U.S. interests abroad, and limiting foreign influences in the Americas. After the Civil War, with a booming industrial economy, the United States showed increasing interest not only in overseas trade, but also in establishing bases and territories in the Caribbean Sea and across the Pacific Ocean. After 1890, the nation carried on a growing debate over whether it should join the competition for overseas territories with imperialist nations of the world or remain true to its anti-colonial traditions. Expansion after the Civil War William H. Seward of New York served as secretary of state (1861–1869) under both Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. Seward was the most influential secretary of state since John Quincy Adams (who formulated the Monroe Doctrine in 1823). During the Civil War, Seward helped prevent Great Britain and France from entering the war on the side of the Confederacy. He led the drive to annex Midway Island in the Pacific, gained rights to build a canal in Nicaragua, and purchased the vast territory of Alaska. Despite his powerful advocacy for expansionism, Seward failed to convince Congress to annex Hawaii and to purchase the Danish West Indies. The Purchase of Alaska For decades, Russia and Great Britain both claimed the vast territory of Alaska. Russia finally assumed control and established a small colony for seal hunting, but the territory soon became an economic burden because of the threat of a British takeover. Seeking buyers, Russia found Seward to be an enthusiastic champion of the idea of the United States purchasing Alaska. As a result of Seward’s lobbying, and also in appreciation of Russian support during the Civil War, Congress in 1867 agreed to buy Alaska for $7.2 million. However, for many years Americans saw no value in Alaska and referred to it derisively as “Seward’s Folly” or “Seward’s Icebox” and ignored its development. 440 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Hawaiian Islands Since the mid-1800s, American missionaries and entrepreneurs had settled in the Pacific islands of Hawaii. Later, a U.S. commission explored the use of Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, or the Sandwich Islands, which lay astride the sea-lanes from California to China. In 1870, Ulysses S. Grant sought control of Pearl Harbor on Oahu and new trade treaties with the native kingdom. Hawaiians agreed to a treaty in 1875 giving the United States exclusive rights to Hawaiian sugar. In 1893, American settlers aided in the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarch, Queen Liliuokalani and then petitioned for annexation by the United States. If Hawaii became part of the United States, Hawaiian sugar would not be subject to the high U.S. tariffs on imports. However, President Grover Cleveland opposed imperialism and blocked Republican efforts to annex Hawaii. The Era of “New Imperialism” The conquest and division of many parts of Africa, Asia, and the Pacific Islands by more industrialized nations during the 19th century marked a renewed interest in imperialism. Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Japan, and other nations, some as small as Belgium, gained control by arms or by economic dominance. The United States also participated in this contest. Most U.S. advocates of expansionism hoped to succeed through economic and diplomatic means, without resorting to military action. Expansion into new territories continued a long pattern in U.S. history, but adding land overseas was a change from the past. People supported expansion for different combinations of reasons. Economic Interests The country’s growing industries were strong supporters of expanding U.S. economic interests around the world. Foreign countries offered both valuable raw materials, including minerals, oil, and rubber, and provided markets for products. Many in the Republican Party were closely allied with business leaders and therefore generally endorsed an imperialist foreign policy. Like industrialists, farmers were eager to sell overseas. They saw the growing populations of cities, both in the United States and internationally, as potential markets for wheat, corn, and livestock. Political and Military Power Some people believed that the United States needed to compete with the imperialistic nations or it would be sidelined as a second-class power in world affairs. Chief among these was U.S. Navy Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan. He shaped the debate over the need for naval bases with his book The Influence of Sea Power Upon History (1890). He argued that a strong navy was crucial to a country’s ambitions of securing foreign markets and becoming a world power. Mahan’s book was widely read by prominent American citizens as well as by political leaders in Europe and Japan. Using arguments in Mahan’s book, U.S. naval strategists persuaded Congress to finance the construction of modern steel ships and encouraged the acquisition of overseas islands. Among these islands were Samoa and others in the Pacific Ocean that provided coaling and supply stations so that the new fleet could project power globally. By 1900, the U.S. Navy was the third largest in the world. Among politicians, Assistant Secretary of the Navy and Topic 7.2 Imperialism: debates 441 later President Theodore Roosevelt and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge were the leading proponents of expanding U.S. naval power and influence in the world. Social Fears The Panic of 1893, the violence of labor-management conflicts, and the perception that the country no longer had a frontier in the 1890s caused fear of increasing social turmoil. Overseas territories and adventures offered the country a possible safety valve for dissatisfied urban workers and farmers. Darwinism and Religion Some saw expansion into the Caribbean, Central America, and the Pacific Ocean as an extension of the idea of Manifest Destiny that had long fostered westward expansion. In addition, they applied Darwin’s concept of the survival of the fittest not only to competition in business but also to competition among countries. Therefore, to demonstrate strength in the international arena, expansionists wanted to acquire territories overseas. In his book Our Country: Its Possible Future and Present Crisis (1885), the Reverend Josiah Strong wrote that people of Anglo-Saxon stock were “the fittest to survive.” He believed that Protestant Americans had a religious duty to colonize other lands in order to spread Christianity and the benefits of their “superior” civilization (medicine, science, and technology) to “less fortunate” peoples of the world. Many missionaries who traveled to Africa, Asia, and the Pacific Islands believed in the racial superiority of White people, although some went more for humanitarian reasons. To support these missionaries, many Americans called for active U.S. government involvement in foreign affairs. Popular Press Newspaper and magazine editors found that they could increase circulation by printing adventure stories about distant places exotic to their readers. Stories in the popular press increased public interest and stimulated demands for a larger U.S. role in world affairs. Opposition to Imperialism Many people in the United States strongly opposed imperialism. They did so for a combination of reasons: They believed in self-determination. One of the founding principles of the United States was that people should govern themselves. They believed that this principle applied to people everywhere, not just in the United States. They felt that imperialism was morally wrong. They rejected imperialist racial theories. Some denied that Whites were biologically superior to people of Asia or Africa, and so Whites had no right to rule others. However, many Americans feared adding nonwhite people to the country. They supported isolationism. George Washington had advised the country to avoid involvement in foreign affairs. Anti-imperialists argued that this was still good advice. They opposed the expense of imperialism. Building a large navy and controlling foreign territories would cost more than they were worth. 442 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION Latin America Beginning with the Monroe Doctrine in the 1820s, the United States had taken a special interest in problems of the Western Hemisphere and had assumed the role of protector of Latin America from European ambitions. Benjamin Harrison’s Secretary of State James G. Blaine of Maine played a principal role in extending this tradition. Pan-American Diplomacy Blaine’s repeated efforts to establish closer ties between the United States and its southern neighbors bore fruit in 1889 with the meeting of the first Pan-American Conference in Washington. Representatives from various nations of the Western Hemisphere decided to create a permanent organization to promote cooperation on trade and other issues. Blaine had hoped to reduce tariff rates. Although this goal was not achieved, the foundation was established for the larger goal of hemispheric cooperation on both economic and political issues. The Pan-American Union continues today as part of the Organization of American States, which was established in 1948. Cleveland, Olney, and the Monroe Doctrine One of the most important uses of the Monroe Doctrine in the late 19th century concerned a boundary dispute between Venezuela and its neighbor—the British colony of Guiana. In 1895 and 1896, President Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney insisted that Great Britain agree to arbitrate the dispute. The British initially said the matter was not the business of the United States. However, the United States argued that the Monroe Doctrine applied to the situation. If the British did not arbitrate, the United States would back up its argument with military force. Deciding that U.S. friendship was more important to its long-term interests than a boundary dispute in South America, the British agreed to U.S. demands. As it turned out, the arbitrators ruled mainly in favor of Britain, not Venezuela. Even so, Latin American nations appreciated U.S. efforts to protect them from European domination. The Venezuela boundary dispute marked a turning point in U.S.–British relations. From 1895 on, the two countries cultivated a friendship rather than continuing their former rivalry. The friendship would prove vital for both nations in the 20th century. Growing Conflict over Imperialism The precedent of the Monroe Doctrine provided expansionists an open invitation to interfere in the other nations of the Americas. This was the beginning of a fierce political battle over the future of the country. One side represented the anti-colonial and self- government traditions of the nation rooted in the struggle for independence against Great Britain. The other side expressed the interests of those committed to economic and global power. The conflict between imperialists and anti- imperialists over controlling overseas territories intensified in the debate over the Spanish-American War and the colonization of the Philippines (see Topic 7.3). Topic 7.2 Imperialism: debates 443 REFLECT ON THE LEARNING OBJECTIVE 1. Explain two differences between American imperialists and anti-imperialists. KEY TERMS BY THEME Overseas Involvement (WOR) Pan-American Conference (1889) William H. Seward Richard Olney Monroe Doctrine Venezuela boundary dispute purchase of Alaska (1867) Causes of U.S. Imperialism (WOR) Hawaii “New Imperialism” Pearl Harbor Alfred Thayer Mahan Queen Liliuokalani Darwinism Grover Cleveland expansionists James G. Blaine Josiah Strong MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS Questions 1–2 refer to the following excerpt. “We hold that the policy known as imperialism is hostile to liberty and tends toward militarism, an evil from which it has been our glory to be free. We regret that it has become necessary in the land of Washington and Lincoln to reaffirm that all men, of whatever race or color, are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.... “We earnestly condemn the policy of the present national administration in the Philippines. It seeks to extinguish the spirit of 1776 in those islands.... We denounce the slaughter of the Filipinos as a needless horror. We protest against the extension of American sovereignty by Spanish methods. We demand the immediate cessation of the war against liberty, begun by Spain and continued by us. We urge that Congress be promptly convened to announce to the Filipinos our purpose to concede to them the independence for which they have so long fought and which of right is theirs.” Platform of the American Anti-Imperialist League, October 17, 1899 444 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  1. Supporters of this excerpt would most likely agree with which of the following beliefs? (A) The peoples of Asia had a right to govern themselves without outside interference. (B) The United States had a duty to bring the benefits of civilization and religion to others. (C) The people of underdeveloped countries were unprepared and unfit to govern themselves. (D) The United States should take over weak countries that might fall to other great powers. 2. Which of the following most directly contributed to the sentiments expressed in the excerpt? (A) The sensationalism of the popular press of the time (B) The values expressed in the Declaration of Independence (C) The views of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge (D) The changing interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine SHORT-ANSWER QUESTION Use complete sentences; an outline or bulleted list alone is not acceptable. 1. Answer (a), (b), and (c). (a) Briefly explain ONE difference between the position of imperialists and anti-imperialists on the acquisition of overseas territories in the period of the Spanish-American War. (b) Briefly describe ONE controversial territorial acquisition and why expansionists favored it in the period from 1865 to 1900. (c) Briefly describe ONE controversial territorial acquisition and why anti-imperialists opposed it in the period from 1865 to 1900. Topic 7.2 Imperialism: debates 445  Topic 7.3 The Spanish-American War and U.S. Foreign Policy to 1917 We are Anglo-Saxons, and must obey our blood and occupy new markets, and, if necessary, new lands. Senator Albert Beveridge, April 27, 1898 Learning Objective: Explain the causes and effects of the Spanish- American War. T he first targets of American imperialism were nearby Caribbean islands. Expansionists from the South had coveted Cuba as early as the 1850s. Now, in the 1890s, large American investments in Cuban sugar, Spanish misrule of Cuba, and the Monroe Doctrine all provided reasons for U.S. intervention in the Caribbean’s largest island. Connected to U.S. involvement on Cuba, an island only 90 miles south of mainland United States, came involvement in the Philippines, islands over 7,000 miles to the west. Spanish-American War In the 1890s, American public opinion was being swept by a growing wave of jingoism—an intense form of nationalism calling for an aggressive foreign policy. Expansionists demanded that the United States take its place with the imperialist nations of Europe as a world power. Not everyone favored such a policy. Presidents Cleveland and McKinley were among many who thought military action abroad was both morally wrong and economically unsound. Nevertheless, specific events combined with background pressures led to overwhelming popular demand for war against Spain. Causes of the War A combination of jingoism, economic interests, and moral concerns made the United States more willing to go to war than it had been. These factors came together in 1898. Cuban Revolt Cuban nationalists fought but failed to overthrow Spanish colonial rule between 1868 and 1878. They renewed the struggle in 1895. Through sabotage and attacks on Cuban plantations, they hoped to either push Spain out or pull the United States in as an ally. In response, Spain sent 446 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION autocratic General Valeriano Weyler and 100,000 troops to crush the revolt. Weyler forced civilians into camps, where tens of thousands died of starvation and disease. This action gained him the title of “the Butcher” in the U.S. press. Yellow Press Actively promoting war fever in the United States was “yellow journalism,” sensationalistic reporting that featured bold and lurid headlines of crime, disaster, and scandal. Among the most sensationalistic newspapers were Joseph Pulitzer’s New York World and William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal. These papers printed exaggerated and false accounts of Spanish atrocities in Cuba. Believing what they read daily in their newspapers, many Americans urged Congress and the president to intervene in Cuba for humanitarian reasons and put a stop to the atrocities and suffering. De Lôme Letter (1898) One story that caused a storm of outrage was a Spanish diplomat’s letter that was leaked to the press and printed on the front page of Hearst’s Journal. Written by the Spanish minister to the United States, Dupuy de Lôme, the letter was highly critical of President McKinley. Many considered it an official Spanish insult against the U.S. national honor. Sinking of the Maine Less than one week after the de Lôme letter made headlines, a far more shocking event occurred. On February 15, 1898, the U.S. battleship USS Maine was at anchor in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, when it suddenly exploded, killing 260 Americans on board. The yellow press accused Spain of deliberately blowing up the ship. However, experts later concluded that the explosion was probably an accident. McKinley’s War Message Following the sinking of the USS Maine, President McKinley issued an ultimatum to Spain demanding that it agree to a ceasefire in Cuba. Spain agreed to this demand, but U.S. newspapers and a majority in Congress kept clamoring for war. McKinley yielded to the public pressure in April by sending a war message to Congress. He offered four reasons why the United States should support the Cuban rebels: 1. “Put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries” in Cuba 2. Protect the lives and property of U.S. citizens living in Cuba 3. End “the very serious injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people” 4. End “the constant menace to our peace” arising from disorder in Cuba Teller Amendment Responding to the president’s message, Congress passed a joint resolution on April 20, 1898, authorizing war. Part of the resolution, the Teller Amendment, declared that the United States had no intention of taking political control of Cuba and that, once peace was restored to the island, the Cuban people would control their own government. Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 447 Fighting the War The first shots of the Spanish-American War were fired in Manila Bay in the Philippines, over 9,000 miles from Cuba. The last shots were fired only a few months later in August. So swift was the U.S. victory that Secretary of State John Hay called it “a splendid little war.” The Philippines Theodore Roosevelt, McKinley’s assistant secretary of the navy, was an expansionist eager to show off the power of his country’s new, all-steel navy. Anticipating war, and recognizing the strategic value of Spain’s territories in the Pacific, Roosevelt had ordered a fleet commanded by Commodore George Dewey to go to the Philippines. This large group of islands had been under Spanish control ever since the 1500s. On May 1, shortly after war was declared, Commodore Dewey’s fleet fired on Spanish ships in Manila Bay. The Spanish fleet was soon pounded into submission by U.S. naval guns. The fight on land took longer. Allied with Filipino rebels, U.S. troops captured the city of Manila on August 13. Invasion of Cuba More difficult than the Philippines was Cuba. An ill- prepared, largely volunteer U.S. force landed in Cuba in June. The most lethal foe proved to be not Spanish bullets but tropical diseases. Fewer than 500 U.S. soldiers died in battle, but at least 5,000 died of malaria, typhoid, and dysentery. Attacks by both American and Cuban forces succeeded in defeating the much larger, but poorly led, Spanish army. Next to Dewey’s victory in Manila Bay, the most celebrated event of the war was a cavalry charge up San Juan Hill in Cuba by the Rough Riders, a regiment of volunteers led by Theodore Roosevelt, who had resigned his navy post to take part in the war. Roosevelt’s volunteers were aided in victory by veteran regiments of African Americans. Less dramatic but more important than the taking of San Juan Hill was the success of the U.S. Navy in destroying the Spanish fleet at Santiago Bay on July 3. Without a navy, Spain realized that it could not continue fighting, and in early August 1898 asked the U.S. for terms of peace. Annexation of Hawaii The outbreak of war in the Philippines gave Congress and President McKinley the pretext to complete the annexation of Hawaii in July 1898. The Hawaiian Islands became a U.S. territory in 1900 and the fiftieth state in the Union in August 1959 (Topic 7.2). Controversy over the Treaty of Peace More controversial than the war itself was the peace treaty signed in Paris on December 10, 1898. It provided for (1) recognition of Cuban independence, (2) U.S. acquisition of two Spanish islands—Puerto Rico in the Caribbean and Guam in the Pacific, and (3) U.S. control of the Philippines in return for a $20 million payment to Spain. Since the avowed purpose of the U.S. war effort was to liberate Cuba, Americans accepted this provision of the treaty. However, many opposed taking over the Philippines, a large island nation, as a colony. 448 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  The Philippine Question Controversy over the Philippine question took many months longer to resolve than the brief war with Spain. Opinion both in Congress and with the public at large became sharply divided between imperialists who favored annexing the Philippines and anti-imperialists who opposed it. In the Senate, where a two-thirds vote was required to ratify the Treaty of Paris, anti-imperialists were determined to defeat the treaty because of its provision for acquiring the Philippines. Anti-imperialists argued that the United States would be taking possession of a heavily populated territory whose people were of a different race and culture. Such action, they thought, violated the principles of the Declaration of Independence by depriving Filipinos of the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Further, annexation would entangle the United States in the political conflicts of Asia. On February 6, 1899, the Treaty of Paris (including Philippine annexation) came to a vote in Congress. The treaty was approved 57 to 27, just one vote more than the two-thirds majority required by the Constitution for ratification. The anti-imperialists fell just two votes short of defeating the treaty. The people of the Philippines were outraged that their hopes for national independence from Spain were now being denied by the United States. Filipino nationalist leader Emilio Aguinaldo had fought alongside U.S. troops during the Spanish-American War. Now he led bands of guerrilla fighters in a war against U.S. control. It took U.S. troops three years to defeat the insurrection. The conflict resulted in the deaths of about 5,000 people from the United States and several hundred thousand Filipinos—mostly civilians who died from diseases. Other Results of the War Imperialism remained a major issue in the United States even after ratification of the Treaty of Paris. The American Anti-Imperialist League led by William Jennings Bryan rallied opposition to further acts of expansion in the Pacific. Insular Cases One question concerned the constitutional rights of the Philippine people: Did the Constitution follow the flag? In other words, did the provisions of the U.S. Constitution apply to whatever territories fell under U.S. control, including the Philippines and Puerto Rico? Bryan and other anti- imperialists argued in the affirmative, while leading imperialists argued in the negative. The issue was resolved in favor of the imperialists in a series of Supreme Court cases (1901–1903) known as the Insular (island) Cases. The Court ruled that constitutional rights were not automatically extended to territorial possessions and that the power to decide whether or not to grant such rights belonged to Congress. Cuba and the Platt Amendment (1901) Previously, the Teller Amendment to the war resolution of 1898 had guaranteed U.S. respect for Cuba’s sovereignty as an independent nation. Nevertheless, U.S. troops remained in Cuba from 1898 until 1901. In the latter year, Congress made withdrawal of troops conditional upon Cuba’s acceptance of terms included in an amendment to an Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 449 army appropriations bill—the Platt Amendment. Bitterly resented by Cuban nationalists, the Platt Amendment required Cuba to agree (1) to never sign a treaty with a foreign power that impaired its independence, (2) to permit the United States to intervene in Cuba’s affairs to preserve its independence and maintain law and order, and (3) to allow the U.S. to maintain naval bases in Cuba, including one permanent base at Guantanamo Bay. A Cuban convention reluctantly accepted these terms, adding them to its country’s new constitution. In effect, the Platt Amendment made Cuba a U.S. protectorate. As a result, Cuba’s foreign policy would, for many years, be subject to U.S. oversight and control. Election of 1900 The Republicans re-nominated President McKinley, along with war hero and New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt for vice president. The Democrats, as in 1896, nominated William Jennings Bryan. He again argued for free silver and vigorously attacked American imperialism. However, most voters accepted the recently enacted gold standard and the acquisition of new territory, including the Philippines, and felt the economy was recovering. McKinley won by a larger margin of victory than in 1896. U.S. TERRITORIES AND PROTECTORATES, 1917 Territories and Protectorates Interventions into Mexico ALASKA 0 1,000 miles purchased 1867 territory 1912 0 1,000 kilometers Scale at Equator UNITED HAITI 1915/ STATES DOMINICAN MIDWAY Pershing expedition 1916 REPUBLIC 1916 annexed 1867 PUERTO WAKE I. 1914 annexed RICO PHILIPPINE IS. MEXICO territory 1898 territory 1898 1899 CUBA HAWAIIAN IS. 1903 VIRGIN IS. GUAM annexed 1898 NICARAGUA 1912 purchased territory territory 1900 1917 PANAMA 1898 Canal Zone 1903 AMERICAN SAMOA territory 1899 PACIFIC OCEAN 450 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Recognition of U.S. Power One consequence of the Spanish-American War was its effect on how Americans and Europeans thought about U.S. power. The decisive U.S. victory in the war filled Americans with national pride. Southerners shared in this pride and became more attached to the Union after their bitter experience in the 1860s. At the same time, France, Great Britain, and other European nations recognized that the United States was a first-class power with a strong navy and a new willingness to act in international affairs. Open Door Policy in China Europeans were further impressed by U.S. involvement in global politics as a result of John Hay’s policies toward China. As McKinley’s secretary of state, Hay was alarmed that the Chinese empire, weakened by political corruption and failure to modernize, was falling under the control of various outside powers. In the 1890s, Russia, Japan, Great Britain, France, and Germany had all established spheres of influence in China, meaning that they could dominate trade and investment within their sphere (a particular port or region of China) and shut out competitors. To prevent the United States from losing access to the lucrative China trade, Hay dispatched a diplomatic note in 1899 to nations controlling spheres of influence. He asked them to accept the concept of an Open Door, by which all nations would have equal trading privileges in China. The replies to Hay’s note were evasive. However, because no nation rejected the concept, Hay declared that all had accepted the Open Door policy. The press hailed Hay’s initiative as a diplomatic triumph. Boxer Rebellion (1900) As the 19th century ended, nationalism and xenophobia (hatred and fear of foreigners) were on the rise in China. In 1900, a secret society of Chinese nationalists—the Society of Harmonious Fists, or Boxers—attacked foreign settlements and murdered dozens of Christian missionaries. To protect American lives and property, U.S. troops participated in an international force that marched into Peking (Beijing) and quickly crushed the rebellion of the Boxers. The countries forced China to pay a huge indemnity, which further weakened the imperial regime. Hay’s Second Round of Notes Hay feared that the expeditionary force in China might attempt to occupy the country and destroy its independence. In 1900, therefore, he wrote a second note to the imperialistic powers stating U.S. commitment to (1) preserve China’s territorial integrity as well as (2) safeguard “equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese empire.” Hay’s first and second notes set U.S. policy on China not only for the administrations of McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt but also for future presidents. In the 1930s, this Open Door policy for China would strongly influence U.S. relations with Japan. Hay’s notes in themselves did not deter other nations from exploiting the situation in China. For the moment, European powers were kept from grabbing larger pieces of China by the political rivalries among themselves. Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 451 Theodore Roosevelt’s “Big Stick” Policy In 1901, only a few months after being inaugurated president for a second time, McKinley was fatally shot by an anarchist (a person who opposes all government). Succeeding him in office was the Republican vice president— the young expansionist and hero of the Spanish-American War, Theodore Roosevelt. Describing his foreign policy, the new president had once said that it was his motto to “speak softly and carry a big stick.” The press therefore applied the label “big stick” to Roosevelt’s aggressive foreign policy. By acting boldly and decisively in a number of situations, Roosevelt attempted to build the reputation of the United States as a world power. Imperialists applauded his every move, but critics disliked breaking the tradition of nonentanglement in global politics. The Panama Canal As a result of the Spanish-American War, the new American empire stretched from Puerto Rico in the Caribbean to the Philippines in the Pacific. As a strategic necessity for holding on to these far-flung islands, the United States desired a canal through Central America to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. However, building a canal would be difficult. The French had already failed to complete a canal through the tropic jungles. And before the United States could even try, it needed to negotiate an agreement with the British to abrogate (cancel) the 1850 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, which stated that any canal in Central America was to be under joint British-U.S. control. This new agreement, called the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, was signed in 1901. With the British agreement to let the United States build a canal alone, the young and activist President Roosevelt took charge. Revolution in Panama Roosevelt was eager to begin the construction of a canal through the narrow but rugged terrain of the isthmus of Panama. He was frustrated, however, by Colombia’s control of this isthmus and its refusal to agree to U.S. terms for digging the canal through its territory. Losing patience with Colombia’s demands of more money and sovereignty over the canal, Roosevelt orchestrated a revolt for Panama’s independence in 1903. With the support of the U.S. Navy, the rebellion succeeded immediately and almost without bloodshed. However, the new government of an independent Panama had to sign the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty of 1903 granting the United States all rights over the 51-mile-long and 10-mile-wide Canal Zone as “if it were sovereign... in perpetuity” to keep U.S. protection. Years later, Roosevelt boasted, “I took the Canal Zone and let Congress debate.” Building the Canal Started in 1904, the Panama Canal was completed in 1914. Hundreds of laborers lost their lives in the effort. The work was completed thanks in great measure to the skills of two Army colonels—George Goethals, the chief engineer of the canal, and Dr. William Gorgas, whose efforts eliminated the mosquitoes that spread deadly yellow fever. 452 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Most Americans approved of Roosevelt’s determination to build the canal, but many were unhappy with his high-handed tactics to secure the Canal Zone. Latin Americans were especially resentful. To compensate, Congress finally voted in 1921 to pay Colombia an indemnity of $25 million for its loss of Panama. In 1999, the United States returned the Canal Zone to the Republic of Panama to end the bitterness over the original treaty. The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine Another application of Roosevelt’s big stick diplomacy involved Latin American nations that were in deep financial trouble and could not pay their debts to European creditors. For example, in 1902, the British dispatched warships to Venezuela to force that country to pay its debts. In 1904, it appeared that European powers stood ready to intervene in Santo Domingo (the Dominican Republic) for the same reason. Rather than let Europeans intervene in Latin America—a blatant violation of the Monroe Doctrine—Roosevelt declared in December 1904 that the United States would intervene instead, whenever necessary. This policy became known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. It meant, for example, that the United States would send gunboats to a Latin American country that was delinquent in paying its debts. U.S. sailors and marines would then occupy the country’s major ports to manage the collection of customs taxes until European debts were satisfied. Over the next 20 years, U.S. presidents used the Roosevelt Corollary to justify sending U.S. forces into Haiti, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, and Nicaragua. One long-term result of such interventions was poor U.S. relations with the entire region of Latin America. Roosevelt and Asia As the 20th century began, Japan and the United States were both relatively new imperialist powers in East Asia. Their relationship during Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency, though at first friendly, grew increasingly competitive. Russo-Japanese War Imperialist rivalry between Russia and Japan led to war in 1904, a war Japan was winning. To end the conflict, Roosevelt arranged a diplomatic conference between the two foes at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1905. Although both Japan and Russia agreed to the Treaty of Portsmouth, Japanese nationalists blamed the United States for not giving their country all that they believed they deserved from Russia. “Gentlemen’s Agreement” A major cause of friction between Japan and the United States were laws in California that discriminated against Japanese Americans. San Francisco’s practice of requiring Japanese American children to attend segregated schools was considered a national insult in Japan. In 1908, President Roosevelt arranged a compromise by means of an informal understanding, or “gentlemen’s agreement.” The Japanese government secretly Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 453 agreed to restrict the emigration of Japanese workers to the United States in return for Roosevelt persuading California to repeal its discriminatory laws. Great White Fleet To demonstrate U.S. naval power to Japan and other nations, Roosevelt sent a fleet of battleships on an around-the-world cruise (1907–1909). The great white ships made an impressive sight, and the Japanese government warmly welcomed their arrival in Tokyo Bay. Root-Takahira Agreement (1908) The United States and Japan concluded an important executive agreement in 1908. Secretary of State Elihu Root and Japanese Ambassador Takahira pledged mutual respect for each nation’s Pacific possessions and support for the Open Door policy in China. Peace Efforts Roosevelt saw his big stick policies as a way to promote peaceful solutions to international disputes. For his work in settling the Russo- Japanese War, Roosevelt was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906. In the same year, he helped arrange the Algeciras Conference in Spain, which succeeded in settling a conflict between France and Germany over claims to Morocco. The president also directed U.S. participation at the Second International Peace Conference at The Hague in 1907, which discussed rules for limiting warfare. As an expansionist, an interventionist, and finally as an internationalist, Theodore Roosevelt embodied the vigor of a youthful nation arriving on the world stage. William Howard Taft and Dollar Diplomacy Roosevelt’s successor, William Howard Taft (1909–1913), did not carry the same “big stick.” He adopted a foreign policy that was mildly expansionist but depended more on investors’ dollars than on the navy’s battleships. His policy of promoting U.S. trade by supporting American enterprises abroad was known as “dollar diplomacy.” American Investors Taft believed that private American financial investment in China and Central America would lead to greater stability there, while at the same time promoting U.S. business interests. His policy, however, was thwarted by one major obstacle: growing anti-imperialism both in the United States and overseas. Railroads in China Taft first tested his policy in China. Wanting U.S. bankers to be included in a British, French, and German plan to invest in railroads in China, Taft succeeded in securing American participation in an agreement signed in 1911. In China’s northern province of Manchuria, however, the United States was excluded from an agreement between Russia and Japan to build railroads. In defiance of the U.S. Open Door policy, Russia and Japan agreed to treat Manchuria as a jointly held sphere of influence. Intervention in Nicaragua To protect American investments, the United States intervened in Nicaragua’s financial affairs in 1911 and sent in marines when a civil war broke out in 1912. The marines remained, except for a short period, until 1933. 454 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  U.S. INTERVENTION IN THE CARIBBEAN, 1898 TO 1917 0 500 miles UNITED STATES 0 500 kilometers ATLANTIC Gulf of OCEAN Mexico BAHAMAS U.S. VIRGIN ISLANDS Veracruz CUBA DOMINICAN REPUBLIC MEXICO JAMAICA HAITI BELIZE PUERTO (BR.) RICO GUATEMALA HONDURAS EL SALVADOR Caribbean Sea NICARAGUA Panama Canal COSTA RICA PANAMA VENEZUELA PACIFIC OCEAN COLOMBIA Woodrow Wilson and Foreign Affairs In his campaign for president in 1912, the Democratic candidate Woodrow Wilson promised a New Freedom for the country, part of which was a moral approach to foreign affairs. Wilson said he opposed imperialism and the big stick and dollar diplomacy policies of his Republican predecessors. Wilson’s Moral Diplomacy In his first term as president (1913–1917), Wilson had limited success applying a high moral standard to foreign relations. He and Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan attempted to show that the United States respected other nations’ rights and supported the spread of democracy. Hoping to demonstrate that his presidency was opposed to self-interested imperialism, Wilson took steps to correct what he viewed as wrongful policies of the past. The Philippines Wilson won passage of the Jones Act of 1916, which (1) granted full territorial status to the Philippines, (2) guaranteed a bill of rights and universal male suffrage to Filipino citizens, and (3) promised independence for the Philippines as soon as a stable government was established. Philippine independence was delayed by the events surrounding World War II until July 4, 1946. Puerto Rico An act of Congress in 1917 granted U.S. citizenship to all Puerto Ricans and also provided for limited self-government. Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 455  The Panama Canal Wilson persuaded Congress in 1914 to repeal an act that had granted U.S. ships an exemption from paying the standard canal tolls charged other nations. Wilson’s policy on Panama Canal tolls angered American nationalists such as Roosevelt and Lodge but pleased the British, who had strongly objected to the U.S. exemption. Conciliation Treaties Wilson’s commitment to the ideals of democracy and peace was fully shared by his famous secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. Bryan’s pet project was to negotiate treaties in which nations pledged to (1) submit disputes to international commissions and (2) observe a one-year cooling-off period before taking military action. Bryan arranged, with Wilson’s approval, 30 such conciliation treaties. Military Intervention Under Wilson Wilson’s commitment to democracy and anti-colonialism had a blind spot with respect to Mexico and countries of Central America and the Caribbean. He went far beyond both Roosevelt and Taft in his use of U.S. marines in response to financial and political troubles in the region. He kept marines in Nicaragua and ordered U.S. troops into Haiti in 1915 and the Dominican Republic in 1916. He argued that such intervention was necessary to maintain stability in the region and protect the Panama Canal. Wilson’s moral approach to foreign affairs was severely tested by a revolution and civil war in Mexico. As a supporter of democracy, Wilson refused to recognize the military dictatorship of General Victoriano Huerta, who had seized power in 1913 after having the democratically elected president killed. Tampico Incident To aid revolutionaries fighting Huerta, Wilson called for an arms embargo against the Mexican government and sent a fleet to blockade the port of Vera Cruz. In 1914, several U.S. sailors went ashore at Tampico where they were arrested by Mexican authorities. They were soon released. However, Huerta refused to apologize as demanded by a U.S. naval officer. Wilson retaliated by ordering the U.S. Navy to occupy Veracruz. War seemed imminent. It was averted, however, when South America’s ABC powers—Argentina, Brazil, and Chile—offered to mediate the dispute. This was the first dispute in the Americas to be settled through joint mediation. Pancho Villa and the U.S. Expeditionary Force Huerta fell from power in late 1914. Replacing him was a more democratic regime led by Venustiano Carranza. Almost immediately, the new government was challenged by a band of rebels loyal to Pancho Villa. Hoping to destabilize his opponent’s government, Villa led raids across the U.S.–Mexican border and murdered several people in Texas and New Mexico. In March 1916, President Wilson ordered General John J. Pershing and an “expeditionary force” to pursue Villa into northern Mexico. They failed to capture Villa. President Carranza protested the U.S. presence in Mexico. In January 1917, the growing possibility of U.S. entry into World War I caused Wilson to withdraw Pershing’s troops. 456 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Uncertain Rise to Power The Spanish-American War debuted the United States as a rising power in the international arena. However, most Americans were more concerned with domestic matters than foreign affairs during the Progressive era from 1900 to 1917 (Topic 7.4). American reluctance to get involved in World War I and to take a leadership role after the war reflected a long held and deep concern over the dangers of entanglement in overseas conflicts (Topic 7.5). REFLECT ON THE LEARNING OBJECTIVE 1. Explain two effects of the Spanish-American War on American foreign policy. KEY TERMS BY THEME Spanish-American War (WOR, PCE) Santo Domingo “jingoism” Roosevelt Corollary Cuban revolt Russo-Japanese War “yellow journalism” Treaty of Portsmouth (1905) de Lôme Letter segregated schools sinking of the Maine “gentlemen’s agreement” Teller Amendment Great White Fleet “a splendid little war” Root-Takahira Agreement (1908) the Philippines Noble Peace Prize (1906) George Dewey Algeciras Conference (1906) Rough Riders International Peace Conference (1907) Puerto Rico Dollar Diplomacy (WOR, WXT) Guam William Howard Taft Treaty of Paris “dollar diplomacy” Emilio Aguinaldo railroads in China Anti-Imperialist League Manchuria Insular Cases intervention in Nicaragua Platt Amendment (1901) Moral Diplomacy (WOR) China Policy (WOR) anti-imperialism John Hay Woodrow Wilson spheres of influence William Jennings Bryan Open Door policy Jones Act (1916) Boxer Rebellion conciliation treaties TR Policies (WOR) military intervention “big stick” policy Pancho Villa Theodore Roosevelt John J. Pershing Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty (1903) expeditionary force Panama Canal Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 457 MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS Questions 1–3 refer to the newspaper below. Source: New York Journal, February 17, 1898. The Granger Collection, NYC 1. Newspaper headlines such as those above most directly contributed to which of the following? (A) The capture of the terrorists by American authorities (B) The selection of Roosevelt as a vice presidential candidate (C) The declaration of war against Spain by the U.S. Congress (D) The attack by the U.S. Navy on Manila Bay 458 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION 2. Which of the following groups would most strongly support the sentiments in these headlines? (A) Members of Protestant missionary societies (B) Midwestern and western Democrats (C) Humanitarians opposed to Spanish rule (D) Expansionists who were interested in overseas markets 3. The point of view of this newspaper most clearly reflects (A) the theory of the safety valve (B) the concept of jingoism (C) the idea of isolationism (D) the views of the Anti-Imperialist League SHORT-ANSWER QUESTIONS 1. “Theodore Roosevelt, who was widely traveled, easily ranks as the most internationally minded President of his generation. He understood the role of the United States in the world of power politics more clearly than any of his predecessors and most of his successors.... He is far better known for his efforts at peacemaking than at warmaking. And, what is more, he deserved this acclaim.” Thomas B. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, 1974 “[Theodore Roosevelt was] a person of his times.... He hailed the advance of Western and especially Anglo-Saxon civilization as a world movement, the key to peace and progress.... He viewed “barbaric” people as the major threat to civilization and had no difficulty rationalizing the use of force to keep them in line.... He was less clear how to keep peace among the so- called civilized nations.” George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower, 2008 Using the excerpts, answer (a), (b), and (c). (a) Briefly describe ONE major difference between Bailey’s and Herring’s historical interpretation of Roosevelt’s foreign policy. (b) Briefly explain ONE specific historical event or development that is not explicitly mentioned in the excerpts that could be used to support Bailey’s interpretation of Roosevelt’s foreign policy. (c) Briefly explain ONE specific historical event or development that is not explicitly mentioned in the excerpts that could be used to support Herring’s interpretation of Roosevelt’s foreign policy. Topic 7.3 The spanish-american war and u.S. Foreign policy to 1917 459 2. Source: 1914, The Granger Collection, NYC Using the cartoon, answer (a), (b), and (c). The teacher represents Woodrow Wilson. The board says, “We can have no sympathy with those who seek to seize the power of government to advance their own personal interests or ambition.” The hats say Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Mexico. (a) Briefly explain ONE perspective expressed by the artist about Woodrow Wilson’s foreign policy. (b) Briefly explain ONE specific event or development that contributed to this perspective during the Woodrow Wilson administration. (c) Briefly explain ONE difference or similarity between the policies of Wilson and either Theodore Roosevelt or William Howard Taft. 460 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Topic 7.4 The Progressives I am, therefore, a Progressive because we have not kept up with our own changes of conditions, either in the economic field or in the political field. Woodrow Wilson, campaign speech, 1912 Learning Objective: Compare the goals and effects of the Progressive reform movement. Like the Gilded Age reformers, those of the Progressive period in the early 20th century advocated for a larger role for government and greater democracy. Unlike the earlier reformers, though, the Progressives were more successful. The four constitutional amendments passed during this era illustrate its range and complexity: a graduated income tax that first affected the wealthy, direct election of senators to reform Congress, the right to vote for women, and an effort to improve society through the prohibition of alcohol. The Progressive movement’s successes and failures remain controversial, but its lasting impact on American politics is undisputed. Origins of Progressivism As America entered the 20th century, the rapid and transforming changes of industrialization were unsettling for many. For decades, middle-class Americans had been alarmed by the power of big business, the uncertainties of business cycles, the increasing gap between rich and poor, the violent conflict between labor and capital, and the dominance of corrupt political machines in cities. Most disturbing to minorities were the racist Jim Crow laws in the South that relegated African Americans to the status of second-class citizens. Crusaders for women’s suffrage added their voices to the call for greater democracy. The Progressive movement built on the work of populist reformers and union activists of the Gilded Age. However, it acquired additional national momentum with the unexpected swearing into office of a young president, Theodore Roosevelt, in 1901. The Progressive era lasted through the presidencies of Republicans Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909) and William Howard Taft (1909–1913) and the first term of the Democrat Woodrow Wilson (1913–1917). U.S. entry into World War I in 1917 diverted public attention away from domestic issues and brought the era to an end. By then, though, Congress and state legislatures had enacted major regulatory laws. Topic 7.4 The progressives 461 Who Were the Progressives? A diverse group of reformers were loosely united in the Progressive movement. Protestant church leaders, African Americans, union leaders, and feminists each lobbied for different specific reforms. However, they shared some basic beliefs: Society badly needed changes to limit the power of big business, improve democracy, and strengthen social justice. Government, whether at the local, state, or federal level, was the proper agency for making these changes. Moderate reforms were usually better than radical ones. Urban Middle Class Unlike the Populists of the 1890s, whose strength came from rural America, most Progressives were middle-class men and women who lived in cities. The urban middle class had steadily grown in the final decades of the 19th century. In addition to doctors, lawyers, ministers, and storekeepers (who were once the heart of the middle class), the economy now employed an increasing number of white-collar office workers and middle managers employed in banks, manufacturing firms, and other businesses. Professional Class Members of this business and professional middle class took their civic responsibilities seriously. Some were versed in scientific and statistical methods and the findings of the new social sciences. They belonged to the hundreds of national business and professional associations that provided platforms to address corrupt business and government practices and urban social and economic problems. Religion A missionary spirit inspired some middle-class reformers. Protestant churches preached against vice and taught a code of social responsibility, which emphasized caring for the less fortunate and promoting honesty in public life. The Social Gospel popularized by Walter Rauschenbusch (see Topic 6.11) was an important element in Protestant Christians’ response to the problem of urban poverty. Most of these Protestants were native-born and older stock Americans, often from families of older elites who felt that their central role in society had been replaced by wealthy industrialists and urban political machines. Leadership Without strong leadership, the diverse forces of reform could not have overcome conservatives’ resistance to change. Fortunately for the Progressives, a number of dedicated and able leaders entered politics at the turn of the century to challenge the status quo. Theodore Roosevelt and Robert La Follette in the Republican Party and William Jennings Bryan and Woodrow Wilson in the Democratic Party demonstrated vigorous political leadership that had been lacking in national politics during the Gilded Age. The Progressives’ Philosophy The reform impulse was hardly new. In fact, many historians see progressivism as just one more phase in a reform tradition going back to the Jeffersonians in the early 1800s, the Jacksonians 462 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION in the 1830s, and the Populists in the 1890s. The Progressives—like American reformers before them—were committed to democratic values and shared in the belief that honest government and just laws could improve peoples’ lives. Pragmatism A revolution in thinking occurred at the same time as the Industrial Revolution. Charles Darwin, in his On the Origin of Species (1859), presented the concept of evolution by natural selection. Though Darwin was writing about the natural world, others applied his concepts to human society to justify accumulating great wealth and laissez-faire capitalism (Topic 6.6). Others challenged the prevailing philosophy of romantic transcendentalism with what became called pragmatism. In the early 20th century, William James and John Dewey, two leading American advocates of this new philosophy, argued that “truth” should be able to pass the public test of observable results in an open, democratic society. In a democracy, citizens and institutions should experiment with ideas and laws and test them in action until they found something that would produce a well-functioning democratic society. Progressive thinkers adopted the new philosophy of pragmatism because it enabled them to challenge fixed ideas and beliefs that stood in the way of reform. For example, they rejected the laissez-faire theory as impractical. The old standard of rugged individualism no longer seemed viable in a modern society dominated by complex business organizations. Scientific Management Another idea that gained widespread acceptance among Progressives came from the practical studies of Frederick W. Taylor. By using a stopwatch to time the tasks performed by factory workers, Taylor discovered ways of organizing people in the most efficient manner—the scientific management system, also known as Taylorism. Many Progressives believed that government too could be made more efficient if placed in the hands of experts and scientific managers. They objected to the corruption of political bosses partly because it was antidemocratic and partly because it was an inefficient way to run things. The Muckrakers Before the public could be roused to action, it first had to be well-informed about the scandalous realities of politics, factories, and slums. Publishers found that their middle-class readers were attracted to reports about corruption in business and politics. Investigative journalists created in-depth articles about child labor, corrupt political bosses and monopolistic business practices. President Theodore Roosevelt criticized writers who focused on negative stories as “muckrakers.” The term caught on. Origins One of the earliest muckrakers was Chicago reporter Henry Demarest Lloyd, who in 1881 wrote a series of articles for the Atlantic Monthly attacking the practices of the Standard Oil Company and the railroads. Published in book form in 1894, Lloyd’s Wealth Against Commonwealth fully exposed the corruption and greed of the oil monopoly but failed to suggest how to control it. Topic 7.4 The progressives 463  Magazines An Irish immigrant, Samuel Sidney McClure, founded McClure’s Magazine in 1893, which became a major success by running a series of muckraking articles by Lincoln Steffens (Tweed Days in St. Louis, 1902) and another series by Ida Tarbell (The History of the Standard Oil Company, also in 1902). Combining careful research with sensationalism, these articles set a standard for the deluge of muckraking that followed. Popular 10- and 15-cent magazines such as McClure’s, Collier’s, and Cosmopolitan competed fiercely to outdo their rivals with shocking exposés of political and economic corruption. Books The most popular series of muckraking articles were usually collected and published as best-selling books. Articles on tenement life by Jacob Riis, one of the first photojournalists, were published as How the Other Half Lives (1890). Lincoln Steffens’ The Shame of the Cities (1904) also caused a sensation by describing in detail the corrupt deals that characterized big-city politics from Philadelphia to Minneapolis. Several muckraking books were novels. Two of Theodore Dreiser’s novels, The Financier and The Titan, portrayed the avarice and ruthlessness of an industrialist. Fictional accounts such as Frank Norris’ The Octopus (about the tyrannical power of railroad companies) and The Pit (about the impact of grain speculation) stirrred up After Ida Tarbell published her account of the rise public demands for government of the Standard Oil Company in magazine articles, she turned it into a best-selling book. regulations. One of the most Source: Library of Congress. powerful novels that portrayed the difficult life of immigrants and horrendous sanitary conditions of the meat packing industry was The Jungle by Upton Sinclair (see more later in this topic). These novels were more influential than many journalistic accounts. Decline of Muckraking The popularity of muckraking books and magazine articles began to decline after 1910 for several reasons: 464 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION  Writers found it more and more difficult to top the sensationalism of the last story. Publishers were expanding and faced economic pressures from banks and advertisers to tone down their treatment of business. By 1910, corporations were becoming more aware of their public image and developing a new specialty: the field of public relations. Nevertheless, muckraking had a lasting effect on the Progressive era. It exposed inequities, educated the public about corruption in high places, and prepared the way for corrective action. Political Reforms in Cities and States A cornerstone of Progressive ideology was faith in efficient government. However, Progressives expressed this ideology differently. Some looked to professional and technical experts for objective, pragmatic advice. Often, these Progressives distrusted the urban political machines that relied on immigrants for support, so they supported restrictions on immigration. Other Progressives placed more trust in common people. They opposed immigration restrictions, in part because they believed that, given a chance, the majority of voters would elect honest officials. Progressives advocated a number of reforms for increasing the participation of the average citizen in political decision-making. Australian, or Secret, Ballot Political parties could manipulate and intimidate voters by printing lists (or “tickets”) of party candidates and watching voters drop them into the ballot box on election day. In 1888, Massachusetts was the first state to adopt a system successfully tried in Australia of issuing ballots printed by the state and requiring voters to mark their choices secretly within a private booth. By 1910, all states had adopted the secret ballot. Direct Primaries In the late 19th century, Republicans and Democrats commonly nominated candidates for state and federal offices in state conventions controlled by party bosses. In 1903, the Progressive governor of Wisconsin, Robert La Follette, introduced a new system for bypassing politicians and placing the nominating process directly in the hands of the voters—the direct primary. By 1915, some form of the direct primary was used in every state. The system’s effectiveness in overthrowing boss rule was limited, as politicians devised ways of confusing the voters and splitting the anti-political machine vote. Since primaries were run for the parties rather than for the general population, some Southern states used White-only primaries to exclude African Americans from voting. Direct Election of U.S. Senators Under the original Constitution, U.S. senators had been chosen by the state legislatures rather than by direct vote of the people. Progressives believed this was a principal reason that the Senate had become a millionaires’ club dominated by big business. Nevada in 1899 was the first state to give the voters the opportunity to elect U.S. senators directly. By Topic 7.4 The progressives 465 1912, a total of 30 states had adopted this reform, and in 1913, ratification of the 17th Amendment required that all U.S. senators be elected by popular vote. Initiative, Referendum, and Recall If politicians in the state legislatures balked at obeying the “will of the people,” then Progressives proposed two methods for forcing them to act. Amendments to state constitutions offered voters (1) the initiative—a method by which voters could compel the legislature to consider a bill and (2) the referendum—a method that allowed citizens to vote on proposed laws printed on their ballots. A third Progressive measure, the recall, enabled voters to remove a corrupt or unsatisfactory politician from office by majority vote before that official’s term had expired. Municipal Reforms City bosses and their corrupt alliances with local businesses (trolley lines and utility companies, for example) were among the first targets of Progressive leaders. In Toledo, Ohio, in 1897, a self-made millionaire with strong memories of his origins as a workingman became the Republican mayor. Adopting “golden rule” as both his policy and his middle name, Mayor Samuel M. “Golden Rule” Jones delighted Toledo’s citizens by introducing a comprehensive program of municipal reform, including free kindergartens, night schools, and public playgrounds. Another Ohioan, Tom L. Johnson, devoted himself to tax reform and three-cent trolley fares for the people of Cleveland. As Cleveland’s mayor from 1901 to 1909, Johnson fought hard—but without success—for public ownership and operation of the city’s public utilities and services (water, electricity, and trolleys). Controlling Public Utilities Reform leaders arose in other cities throughout the nation seeking to break the power of the city bosses and take utilities out of the hands of private companies. By 1915, fully two-thirds of the nation’s cities owned their own water systems. As a result of the Progressives’ efforts, many cities also came to own and operate gas lines, electric power plants, and urban transportation systems. Commissions and City Managers New types of municipal government were another Progressive innovation. In 1900, Galveston, Texas, was the first city to adopt a commission plan of government, in which voters elected the heads of city departments (fire, police, and sanitation), not just the mayor. Ultimately proving itself more effective than the commission plan was a system first tried in Dayton, Ohio, in 1913. An elected city council there hired an expert manager to direct the work of the various departments of city government. By 1923, more than 300 cities had adopted the manager-council plan of municipal government. State Reforms At the state level, reform governors battled corporate interests and championed such measures as the initiative, the referendum, and the direct primary to give common people control of their own government. In New York, Charles Evans 466 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION Hughes battled fraudulent insurance companies. In California, Hiram Johnson successfully fought against the economic and political power of the Southern Pacific Railroad. In Wisconsin, Robert La Follette established a strong personal following as the governor (1900–1904) who won passage of the “Wisconsin Idea”—a series of Progressive measures that included a direct primary law, tax reform, and state regulatory commissions to monitor railroads, utilities, and businesses such as insurance. Temperance and Prohibition Whether or not to shut down saloons and prohibit the drinking of alcohol sharply divided reformers. While urban Progressives recognized that saloons were often the neighborhood headquarters of political machines, they generally had little sympathy for the temperance movement. Rural reformers, on the other hand, thought they could clean up morals and politics in one stroke by abolishing liquor. The drys (prohibitionists) were determined and well-organized. Among their leaders was Carrie Nation, whose blunt language and attack on taverns with a hatchet made her famous. By 1915, the drys had persuaded the legislatures of two-thirds of the states to prohibit the sale of alcoholic beverages. Social Welfare Urban life in the Progressive era was improved not only by political reformers but also by the efforts of settlement house workers and other civic-minded volunteers. Jane Addams, Florence Kelley, and other leaders of the social justice movement found that they needed political support in the state legislatures for meeting the needs of immigrants and the working class (see Topic 6.9). They lobbied vigorously and with considerable success for better schools, juvenile courts, liberalized divorce laws, and safety regulations for tenements and factories. Believing that criminals could learn to become effective citizens, reformers fought for such measures as a system of parole, separate reformatories for juveniles, and limits on the death penalty. Child and Women Labor Progressives were most outraged by the treatment of children by industry. The National Child Labor Committee proposed model state child labor laws that were passed by two-thirds of the states by 1907. Ultimately, state compulsory school attendance laws proved most effective in keeping children out of the mines and factories. Florence Kelley and the National Consumers’ League organized to pass state laws to protect women from long working hours. In Lochner v. New York (1905) the Supreme Court ruled against a state law limiting workers to a ten- hour workday. However, in Muller v. Oregon (1908) the high court ruled that the health of women needed special protection from long hours. The Triangle Shirtwaist fire (1911) in a New York City high-rise garment factory took 146 lives, mostly women. The tragedy sparked greater women’s activism and pushed states to pass laws to improve safety and working conditions in factories. One consequence of efforts to protect women in the workplace was that the legislation kept women out of physically demanding but higher paying jobs in industry and mining. Later, many in the women’s movement wanted these restrictions lifted so that women could compete as equals with men. Topic 7.4 The progressives 467 Political Reform in the Nation While Progressive governors and mayors were battling conservative forces in the state houses and city halls, three presidents—Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson— sought broad reforms and regulations at the national level. Theodore Roosevelt’s Square Deal Following President McKinley’s assassination in September 1901, Theodore Roosevelt became, at the age of 42, the youngest president in U.S. history. He was also one of the most athletic. He was unusual not simply because of his age and vigor but also because he believed that the president should do much more than lead the executive departments. He thought it was the president’s job to set the legislative agenda for Congress as well. Thus, by the accident of McKinley’s death, the Progressive movement suddenly shot into high gear under the dynamic leadership of a reform-minded president. “Square Deal” for Labor Presidents in the 19th century had consistently taken the side of owners in conflicts with labor (most notably Hayes in the railroad strike of 1877 and Cleveland in the Pullman strike of 1894). However, in the first economic crisis in his presidency, Roosevelt quickly demonstrated that he favored neither business nor labor but insisted on a “Square Deal” for both. Pennsylvania coal miners had been on strike through much of 1902. If the strike continued, many Americans feared that, without coal, they would freeze to death in winter. Roosevelt took the unusual step of trying to mediate the labor dispute by calling a union leader and mine owners to the White House. The owners’ stubborn refusal to compromise angered the president. To ensure the delivery of coal to consumers, he threatened to take over the mines with federal troops. The owners finally agreed to accept the findings of a commission: a 10 percent wage increase and a nine-hour workday. However, the owners did not have to recognize the union. Voters seemed to approve of Roosevelt and his Square Deal. They elected him by a landslide in 1904. Trust-Busting Roosevelt further increased his popularity by being the first president since the passage of the Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890 to enforce that poorly written law. The trust that he most wanted to bust was a combination of railroads known as the Northern Securities Company. Reversing its position in earlier cases, the Supreme Court in 1904 upheld Roosevelt’s action in breaking up the railroad monopoly. Roosevelt later directed his attorney general to take antitrust action against Standard Oil and more than 40 other large corporations. Roosevelt did make a distinction between breaking up “bad trusts,” which harmed the public and stifled competition, and regulating “good trusts,” which through efficiency and low prices dominated a market. Railroad Regulation President Roosevelt also took the initiative in persuading a Republican majority in Congress to pass two laws that significantly strengthened the regulatory powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC). Under the Elkins Act (1903), the ICC had greater authority to stop 468 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION railroads from granting rebates to favored customers. Under the Hepburn Act (1906), the commission could fix “just and reasonable” rates for railroads. Consumer Protection The Jungle, a muckraking book by Upton Sinclair, described in horrifying detail the conditions in the Chicago stockyards and meatpacking industry. The public outcry following the publication of Sinclair’s novel caused Congress to enact two regulatory laws in 1906: first, the Pure Food and Drug Act forbade the manufacture, sale, and transportation of adulterated or mislabeled foods and drugs, and then the Meat Inspection Act provided that federal inspectors visit meatpacking plants to ensure that they met minimum standards of sanitation. Conservation As a lover of the wilderness and outdoor life, Roosevelt enthusiastically championed the cause of conservation. In fact, Roosevelt’s most original and lasting contribution in domestic policy may have been his efforts to protect the nation’s natural resources. Three actions were particularly important: 1. Roosevelt made repeated use of the Forest Reserve Act of 1891 to set aside 150 million acres of federal land as national reserves that could not be sold to private interests. 2. In 1902, Roosevelt won passage of the Newlands Reclamation Act, a law providing money from the sale of public land for irrigation projects in western states. 3. In 1908, the president publicized the need for conservation by hosting a White House Conference of Governors to promote coordinated conservation planning by federal and state governments. Following this conference, a National Conservation Commission was established under Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania, whom Roosevelt had earlier appointed to be the first director of the U.S. Forest Service. Taft’s Presidency The good-natured William Howard Taft had served in Roosevelt’s cabinet as secretary of war. Honoring the two-term tradition, Roosevelt refused to seek reelection and picked Taft to be his successor. The Republican Party readily endorsed Taft as its nominee for president in 1908 and, as expected, defeated for a third time the Democrats’ campaigner, William Jennings Bryan. Progressive Economic Policies Taft built on many of Roosevelt’s accomplishments. As a trust-buster, Taft ordered the prosecution of almost twice the number of antitrust cases as his predecessor. However, among these cases was one against U.S. Steel, which included a merger approved by then- President Theodore Roosevelt. An angry Roosevelt viewed Taft’s action as a personal attack on his integrity. Two other Progressive measures were at least equal in importance to legislation enacted under Roosevelt. The Mann-Elkins Act of 1910 gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the power to suspend new railroad rates and Topic 7.4 The progressives 469 to oversee telephone and telegraph companies. The 16th Amendment, ratified by the states in 1913, authorized the U.S. government to collect an income tax. Progressives heartily approved the new tax, which applied only to the wealthy. Controversy over Conservation Like Roosevelt, Taft sided more with the conservationists than the preservationists in the debate over using natural resources that began in the 1890s (see Topic 6.3). Taft established the Bureau of Mines, added large tracts in the Appalachians to the national forest reserves, and set aside federal oil lands (the first president to do so). However, when Roosevelt ally Gifford Pinchot criticized a Taft cabinet member for opening public lands in Alaska for development, Taft supported firing Pinchot. Split in the Republican Party The firing of Pinchot was just one reason some Progressives accused Taft of betraying their cause and joining the conservative wing of the party. Taft had promised to lower the tariff. Instead, he signed the conservative Payne-Aldrich Tariff in 1909, which raised the tariff on most imports. In the mid-term elections of 1910, Taft openly supported conservative candidates for Congress. Progressive Republicans from the Midwest easily defeated the candidates endorsed by Taft. After this election, the Republican Party split wide open between a conservative faction loyal to Taft and a Progressive faction who hoped Theodore Roosevelt would run again in 1912. Rise of the Socialist Party A third party, the Socialists, emerged in the early 1900s to advocate for the working class. Unlike the Progressives, who called for moderate regulation, the Socialists called for public ownership of the railroads, utilities, and major industries such as oil and steel. One of the party’s founders, Eugene V. Debs, a former railway union leader, became a socialist while in jail for supporting the Pullman strike. Debs was the party’s candidate for president in five elections from 1900 to 1920 and gained up to a million votes in those campaigns. Eventually, some ideas championed by Debs and the Socialists were accepted: public ownership of utilities, worker’s compensation insurance, minimum wage laws, the eight-hour workday, and pensions for employees. The Election of 1912 President Taft was nominated by the Republicans after his supporters excluded Theodore Roosevelt’s delegates from the party’s convention. Progressive Republicans met and nominated Roosevelt. Their party became known as the Bull Moose Party after one of Roosevelt’s nicknames. After lengthy balloting, Democrats united behind Woodrow Wilson, a political newcomer who had first been elected to office in 1910 as governor of New Jersey. Campaign The election came down to a battle between Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. Roosevelt’s plan, called New Nationalism, included more government regulation of business and unions, more social welfare programs, and women’s suffrage. Wilson’s plan, called New Freedom, 470 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION would limit both big business and big government, bring about reform by ending corruption, and revive competition by supporting small business. Wilson won less than a majority of the popular vote, but with the Republicans split, he won a landslide in the Electoral College, and the Democrats gained control of Congress. The overwhelming support for two Progressive presidential candidates proved that reformers had strong support. Roosevelt lost, but his New Nationalism had a lasting influence on later Democratic Party reforms such as the New Deal of the 1930s. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 1912 Popular Vote Electoral Vote 6% 2% 16% 23% 42% 82% 27% Wilson Roosevelt Taft Debs Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 Woodrow Wilson’s Progressive Program Wilson, who grew up in Virginia during the Civil War, was only the second Democrat elected president since the war (Cleveland was the other). He was the first southerner to occupy the White House since Zachary Taylor (1849–1850). Wilson was idealistic, intellectual, righteous, and inflexible. Like Roosevelt, he believed that a president should actively lead Congress and, as necessary, appeal directly to the people to rally support for his legislative program. In his inaugural address in 1913, the Democratic president pledged again his commitment to a New Freedom. To bring back conditions of free and fair competition in the economy, Wilson attacked “the triple wall of privilege”: tariffs, banking, and trusts. Tariff Reduction Wasting no time to fulfill a campaign pledge, Wilson on the first day of his presidency called a special session of Congress to lower the tariff. Past presidents had always sent written messages to Congress, but Wilson broke this longstanding tradition by addressing Congress in person about the need for lower tariff rates to bring consumer prices down. Passage of the Underwood Tariff in 1913 substantially lowered tariffs for the first time in over 50 years. To compensate for the reduced tariff revenues, the Underwood bill included a graduated income tax with rates from 1 to 6 percent. Topic 7.4 The progressives 471  Banking Reform Wilson then focused on the banking system and the money supply. He was persuaded that the gold standard was inflexible and that banks, rather than serving the public interest, were too much influenced by stock speculators on Wall Street. He proposed a national banking system with 12 district banks supervised by a Federal Reserve Board appointed by the president. Congress approved his idea and passed the Federal Reserve Act in 1914. The Federal Reserve was designed to provide stability and flexibility to the U.S. financial system by regulating interest rates and the capital reserves required of banks. Additional Economic Reforms Wilson initially was opposed to any legislation that seemed to favor special interests, such as farmers or unions. However, he shifted his position to support a variety of laws and new agencies: The Federal Trade Commission was to protect consumers by investigating and taking action against any “unfair trade practice” in any industry except banking and transportation. (Those two industries were already regulated by other agencies.) The Clayton Antitrust Act strengthened the Sherman Antitrust Act’s power to break up monopolies. Most important for organized labor, the new law contained a clause exempting unions from being prosecuted as trusts. The Federal Farm Loan Act created 12 regional federal farm loan banks established to provide farm loans at low interest rates. The Child Labor Act, long favored by settlement house workers and labor unions alike, was enacted in 1916. It prohibited the shipment in interstate commerce of products manufactured by children under 14 years old. However, a conservative Supreme Court found this act to be unconstitutional. African Americans in the Progressive Era Racial equality was, for the most part, ignored by Progressive leaders and politicians. Some Progressives actively supported the tradition of segregation in the South. Others simply ignored its existence. For example, President Wilson, with a strong southern heritage and many of the racist attitudes of the times, agreed with the segregation of federal workers and buildings. The status of African Americans had declined steadily since Reconstruction. With the Supreme Court’s “separate but equal” decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), racial segregation had been the rule in the South and, unofficially, in much of the North. Ironically and tragically, the Progressive era coincided with years when thousands of Black men and women were lynched by racist mobs. Few White Progressives did anything about segregation, and lynchings continued at an average rate of almost two per week between 1900 and 1914. Activist Ida B. Wells led the battle to end lynching (see Topic 6.4). 472 UNITED STATES HISTORY: AP ® EDITION Two Approaches: Washington and Du Bois Though lacking widespread White support, African Americans took action to alleviate poverty and discrimination. Economic deprivation and exploitation were one problem; denial of civil rights was another. Which of these problems should take precedence became the focus of a debate between two African American leaders: Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois. Washington’s Stress on Economics Washington, the leader of the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, argued that Black youths’ needs for education and economic progress were of foremost importance, and that they should concentrate on learning industrial skills for better wages. Only after establishing a secure economic base, said Washington, could African Americans hope to realize their other goals of political and social equality (Topic 6.4). Du Bois’s Stress on Civil Rights Unlike Washington, who had been born into an enslaved family on a southern plantation, W. E. B. Du Bois was a northerner from a free family. He was the first African American to earn a doctorate from Harvard University and became a distinguished scholar and writer. In his book The Souls of Black Folk (1903), Du Bois criticized Booker T. Washington’s approach and demanded equal rights for African Americans. He argued that political and social rights were a prerequisite for economic independence. In their public statements, Washington’s focus on economic advancement and accommodation to White racism contrasted with Du Bois’s more confrontational demands for equal civil rights. Their two approaches framed a debate in the African American community that continued throughout the 20th century. Behind the scenes, though, their differences were less dramatic. Washington quietly helped pay legal fees for court cases challenging segregation. New Civil Rights Organizations Racial discrimination prompted Black leaders to found three powerful civil rights organizations in just six years. In 1905, W. E. B. Du Bois met with a group of Black intellectuals in Niagara Falls, Canada, to discuss a program of protest and action aimed at securing equal rights for African Americans. They and others who later joined them became known as the Niagara Movement. On Lincoln’s birthday in 1908, Du Bois, other members of the Niagara Movement, and a group of White Progressives founded the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Their mission was no less than to abolish all forms of segregation and to increase educational opportunities for African American children. By 1920, the NAACP was the nation’s largest civil rights organization, with over 100,000 members. Another organization, the National Urban League, was formed in 1911 to help people migrating from the South to adjust to northern cities. The league’s motto, “Not Alms But Opportunity,” reflected its emphasis on self-reliance and economic advancement. Topic 7.4 The progressives 473 Women and the Progressive Movement The Progressive era was a time of increased activism and optimism for a new generation of feminists. By 1900, the older generation of suffrage crusaders led by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton had passed the torch to younger women. The new leaders sought allies among male Progressives, but not always with success. For example, President Wilson refused to support the suffragists’ call for a national amendment until late in his presidency. The Campaign for Women’s Suffrage Carrie Chapman Catt, an energetic reformer from Iowa, became the new president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1900. Catt argued for the vote as a broadening of democracy that would empower women, thus enabling them to more actively care for their families in an industrial society. At first, Catt continued NAWSA’s drive to win votes for women at the state level before changing strategies and seeking a suffrage amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Militant Suffragists A more assertive approach to gaining the vote was adopted by some women, who took to the streets with mass pickets, parades, and hunger strikes. Their leader, Alice Paul of New Jersey, broke from NAWSA in 1916 to form the National Woman’s Party. From the beginning, Paul focused on winning the support of Congress and the president for an amendment to the Constitution. Nineteenth Amendment (1920) The dedicated efforts of women on the home front in World War I finally persuaded a two-thirds majority in Congress to support a women’s suffrage amendment. It