Midterm - Lecture 3 Exam Notes PDF

**Midterm: Lecture 3 -- exam notes** **The Political Process Model** - Social movement is a political rather than psychological phenomenon - Movements are seen as [challengers] to political systems rather than just expressions of individual or collective psychological discontent. -...

**Midterm: Lecture 3 -- exam notes** **The Political Process Model** - Social movement is a political rather than psychological phenomenon - Movements are seen as [challengers] to political systems rather than just expressions of individual or collective psychological discontent. - Distinction between members of the system (government officials, parties) and those who challenge it (social movements, activists). - [Core factors:] political opportunities (see lecture 1), readiness (to respond to opportunities), efficacy (belief among members that actions can make a difference). - Movement represents a continuous process (generation to decline) - PPM: SMs are not static; it's a process of development with phases of emergence, mobilization, institutionalization and potential decline. Movements can evolve over time, adapting to changes in politics and society. - SMs as rational attempts by excluded groups to [mobilize sufficient political leverage] - Rational actors that weight the costs and benefits of participating, using strategies to maximize chances of success in the face of political opposition - PPM: strong relationship between structural power and those subject to it. - Highlights the ability of SMs to disrupt the functioning of the political system pressure for change and influence of political outcomes PPM emphasizes the importance of various factors for emergence, development and success of SMs: 1. **Broad-socio-economic processes** that prove to be disruptive: wars, global politics, prolonged unemployment, widespread demographic changes. 2. **Political opportunities:** broad- socio-economic processes can restructure existing power relations, indirectly affecting SMs. For instance; a. Political systems may become more/less open to specific groups, creating windows of opportunity for mobilization b. Political opportunities can empower excluded groups, enhancing their political leverage and capacity to effect change. c. [Example: Civil Rights Movement (1954-1962)] i. Economic: Decline of cotton industry led to economic dislocation in the South. ii. Demographic mobility: Southern blacks migrated to cities, contributing to formation of black middle class and increased urbanization iii. Political opportunities: 1. A shift in the Democratic Party\'s electoral base from the South to the North reduced Southern whites' influence and allowed urban and Northern blacks to gain political leverage. 2. The U.S. government's growing discomfort with Southern segregation amid global competition with the Communist bloc 3. The landmark 1954 Supreme Court decision in *Brown v. Board of Education*, [which declared school segregation unconstitutional.] 3. **Indigenous Organizational Strength** d. Indigenous organizations serve as the associational basis for movements, facilitating recruitment and spreading of new ideas. iv. Recognized leadership and interpersonal rewards (social recognition, emotional support) help mitigate the "free rider" problem, where individuals benefit from group efforts without participating. v. Recognized leadership: strong, credible leaders can unify the movement and provide direction. 4. **Cognitive liberation** e. Expanding political opportunities provide \"cognitive cues\" that signal the system\'s vulnerability to challenge and trigger a process of cognitive liberation. f. Cognitive liberation occurs when people collectively define their situation as unjust and changeable through group action. This process is more likely within established interpersonal networks. g. Political conditions become "meaningful events" communicating about possible success of protesting h. Gives people a sense of empowerment to change conditions. The **political opportunity structure approach** evolved as a separate branch. It focuses on [enabling and restricting] structural political conditions: - Degree of openness/closeness of political system to challengers (SMs) - Open: free elections, active civil society, etc. - Closed: Restrictive and repressive - (De)centralization of institutions - Centralized systems: concentrated authority -- easier for SMs to identify key decision-makers to target - Decentralized: more entry points for engagement, but also fragmented responses - Unity or division of political elites with regard to a movement's cause - Divisions among elites can create opportunities for movements to exploit (find allies) - Availability of allies that might support a movement - Can provide resources, legitimacy and more visibility. - The capacity of a political system to repress a social movement. **Example: How context influences protesting in Europe** - **Territorial decentralization:** - Decision making is distributed between regional authorities, delegated away from the central authority. - Examples: Canada, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland, US, Spain - **Horizontal decentralization:** - Decision making is more evenly distributed among institutions. - Examples: The Netherlands, France, Finland - The more decentralized (territorially and horizontally) the state, the higher the likelihood of protesting. - The division of power among local, regional and national authorities [increases the number of access points for participation. ] - HOWEVER, if there are many political parties, people will not need to engage in protest as they feel that their interests are already represented in national parliaments (e.g. The Netherlands). **Criticism of Political Opportunity Structure** - Becomes a sponge that is used to explain so much, it may ultimately explain nothing - Not all movements are focused on political decision-making - Role of the subjective interpretation is underemphasized **Inglehart's Modernization Theory** - People that grow up in more secure/stable societies, develop different priorities and values compared to those rained in less secure societies. - As societies become more secure, people experience fewer existential threats (war, famine, etc.), allowing to focus on higher-order needs beyond survival. - As societies achieve greater material security, there is a shift in cultural values. - Older generations who experienced wars, economic hardship, etc: prioritize economic security and "safety needs" -- more conservative in values - Younger cohorts who grew up in secure societies: prioritize values related to [self-expression] and [quality of life.] The scarcity hypothesis - Based on the Maslowian idea of value hierarchy: survival needs are fulfilled other issues become relatively more important. Modernization theory -- survival is seen as, - Insecure: - Politics: strong leaders, order, xenophobia - Economics: priority to economic growth - Maximize reproduction - Emphasis on religion - Secure: - De-emphasis on political authority - Self-expression, participation - Quality of life = top priority - Individual sexual gratification - Diminishing religious authority, flexible rules - Emphasis on meaning and purpose of life **Post-materialism and New Social Movements** - "Old" movements: struggles of working-class's material security. - Marx, Engels, Lenin. - Strategy/tactic: revolution or radical reform through strikes or violent action. - New Social Movements: **post-material values** of aspiring new middle class - "New politics" relates to new problems of late capitalism that are about quality of life, equal rights, individual self-realization, participation and human rights. - Strategy/tactic: radical, moderate or reform through many different actions such as referendas, human chains and protest camps, street theatre, etc. **Criticism of the distinction (old vs. new)** - NSMs are not really new (identify movements also occurred in the past). - Many of the contemporary social struggles appear more old than new (well-being, economic security, precarity of working conditions). **"Bowling alone"** refers to the decline of social capital and civic engagement in American society. - Civic assocations ("schools of democracy"), such as churches, leisure clubs and community organizations serve as important venues for socialization teach democratic values and practices. - High levels of social capital enhanced group efficacy. - Those in civic associations are more likely to participate in political activities. - However, the decline of these associations is a threat to social cohesion and democratic engagement importance of revitalizing civic life