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Lesson 1 Part 3: PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: A Background The NCIP: A Background During the American Regime, the affairs of the cultural communities (then referred as Non-Christian Tribes) were handled by the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes. Under the Filipino leadership in 1964, this bureau was...
Lesson 1 Part 3: PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: A Background The NCIP: A Background During the American Regime, the affairs of the cultural communities (then referred as Non-Christian Tribes) were handled by the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes. Under the Filipino leadership in 1964, this bureau was elevated into a Commission and became the Commission on National Integration (CNI). The NCIP: A Background In the mid-60's, the government initiated a program aimed at giving dignity and due recognition to the different tribes so that they will not only be peripheral citizens, but citizens of equal footing with all the other Filipinos. In 1974, the Office of the Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN) was created and became the national government's arm vis-a-vis affairs of the non-Muslim Tribal groups. The NCIP: A Background The eventual notorious collapse of the PANAMIN led the Marcos regime to establish the Office of Muslim Affairs and Cultural Communities (OMACC). This was short-lived, lasting only for two years, due to the persistent demands of tribal leaders for a separate agency for the non-Islamic tribal communities. The NCIP: A Background The timely February 1986 revolution gave much-needed support for the clamor then President Corazon C Aquino created two separate Offices for the Cultural Communities in the country, namely: the Office for Northern Cultural Communities (ONCC) and the Office for Southern Cultural Communities (OSCC). The ONCC was entrusted the general welfare of tribal communities in Northern Philippines while the OSCC took care of the affairs of Southern Cultural Communities. The NCIP: A Background Muslim affairs was handled by the Office of Muslim Affairs (OMA). All three were directly under the Office of President. On October 1997, Senate Bill No. 1728 and House Bill No. 9125 was consolidated and passed resulted to the approval of the Republic Act 8371 known as "The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997" leading to the creation of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples. The Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 17 million Indigenous Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups in 2010 (Hirai, 2015). They are mainly concentrated in Luzon (33%), especially in the Cordillera Administrative Region; and Mindanao (61%) with some groups in the Visayas area (IWGIA as cited in Hirai, 2015). The Philippine Constitution, cognizant of this diversity within the framework of national unity and development mandate state recognition, protection, promotion, and fulfillment of the rights of indigenous peoples. The Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) Further, Republic Act 8371, also known as the "Indigenous Peoples Rights Act" (1997, IPRA), recognizes the right of IPs to manage their ancestral domains which is the cornerstone of the national policy on IPs (UNDP, 2010). Despite this commitment, IPs remain the poorest and most disadvantaged groups. They make up one-third of the world's poorest peoples, suffer disproportionately in terms of health, education, and human rights, and regularly face systemic discrimination and exclusion (Ibid). The Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) IP settlements are remote without access to basic services leading to high incidence of morbidity, mortality and malnutrition. There are one hundred ten (110) major indigenous groups in the country. Most of them practice traditional swidden agriculture in upland areas. The Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) However, these traditional cultivation activities and fallow areas have been degraded and are further threatened by the influx of migrant non-IP farmers who have introduced unsustainable lowland- commercial farming practices. Furthermore, most indigenous cultural communities do not have legal rights over their lands, limiting their conduct of livelihood activities and denied access to other natural resources in their communities (De Vera, 2007). Philippine Ethnographic Areas (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) The Philippines was divided into seven ethnographic areas as set by IPRA for representation in the NCIP: Region I and CAR Region II The rest of Luzon (Regions III, IV[part], and V) Island groups (Regions IV [part], VI, VII, and VIII) Northern and Western Mindanao (Regions IX [Zamboanga Peninsula] and X [Northern Mindanao]) Southern and Eastern Mindanao (Regions XI [Davao Region] and XIII [Caraga]) Central Mindanao (Region XII [SOCCSKSARGEN]) Philippine Ethnographic Areas (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) Prior to the arrival of Spaniards in 1521 and the introduction of a Western form of governance, the IPs/ ICCs maintained their autonomous communities in their respective ancestral domains. These are small and independent communities with their respective socio-political and economic systems such as the Muslims of Mindanao with their feudal system; the Igorots of Cordillera with their semi-primitive communal structure; and the Aetas with their primitive communal set-up. They adopt the customary concepts and practices of land use and ownership through collectivism and assume the care of their resources. Region 1 and CAR In Region 1 and CAR, the indigenous peoples are concentrated in the northern mountain ranges of the Cordillera occupying the interior hills, narrow strips of flat land along deep valleys, and plateaus. The Tingguian, Isneg, and northern Kalinga are found in the watershed areas of the Abulag, Tineg, and Chico rivers. These groups are largely swidden (slash-andburn) cultivators who depend on farming rice, root crops, and vegetables. Along the slopes of Mount Data and nearby areas are the Bontoc, Sagada, Ifugao, and Southern Kalinga. Region 1 and CAR They are wet-rice cultivators who grow their crops both on terraces and swidden fields. The lbaloi and Kankanaey inhabit the southern region of the Cordillera. Like their neighbors to the north, their subsistence economy is based on wet and dry agriculture. In more recent years, these groups have been integrated into the outside market economy with the growth of commercial gardening of temperate vegetables. Region 1 and CAR In Region 2, several lowland indigenous groups like the Ibanag, Itawes, Yogad, and Gaddang inhabit the Cagayan Valley of northeastern Luzon. The Caraballo range at its southern end is home to the Ilongot, Ikalahan, Isinai, and some Aeta groups, which continue to carry out wet-rice agriculture, swidden farming, hunting and gathering, and some commerce. The rest of Luzon There are other indigenous groups in Regions III, IV, and V. Along the area of the Sierra Madre range of eastern Luzon are the Dumagat, Pugot, and other Aeta groups whose economies have depended on swidden agriculture, hunting and gathering, fishing, and trade. Communities of Paan Pinatubo (sometimes called Hambal, Ayta, and Samba live under the shadow of the Zambales range, and Baluga inhabit the northwestern part of Pampanga and the southwestern area of Tarlac. The rest of Luzon Along the Pacific coast in the province of Quezon, Pollilo Island, and the Bicol peninsula are Agta groups, known as Kabihug (Camarines Norte), Agta Tabangnon, Agta Cimarron, and Itom (Camarines Sur, Albay, and Sorsogon). Increasingly, these groups have depended on cultivation, fishing, gathering of forest products, and wage labor. Island Group The island groups include the seven Mangyan groups in the island of Mindoro: the Iraya, Alangan, Tadyawan, Tao-Buid, Buhid, Hanunoo, and Gubatnon. In the interior foothills and remote coastal areas of Panay and Negros Islands are the Sulod and the Ati. In the island of Palawan, the Tagbanua are found in northern and central areas. Island Group The Batak are found in small pockets north of Puerto Princesa City and in northeastern Palawan. The Palawanon are in the southern part of Palawan near Brooks Point. Generally, the Mangyans of Mindoro; the Sulod and Ati of Panay; the Aeta groups in Negros Island; and the Batak, Cuyonen, Palawanon, and Tagbanua of Palawan practice swidden agriculture, combined with hunting, fishing, gathering, and trade. Northern and Western Mindanao Along the hinterlands and coastal lowlands of the Zamboanga peninsula live the Subanen, while toward the uplands of northern Mindanao, particularly on the plateaus of Bukidnon, are the indigenous peoples who call themselves Higaonon meaning "mountain dwellers." Southern and Eastern Mindanao In the coastal areas along Davao Gulf and interior hinterlands of southeastern Mindanao are the Mandaya, Coastal Bagobo, Agusan Manobo, and Ata. For the most part, the indigenous peoples in Mindanao basically subsist through swidden and wet-rice cultivation, hunting, fishing, gathering, and the trade of locally manufactured items. Central Mindanao Within the highlands of central Mindanao, particularly along the mountainous slopes of the provinces of Davao, Bukidnon, and Cotabato are the Bagobo. Groups that occupy the upper headwaters of the Davao, Tinanan, and Kulaman rivers are the Manuvu, Matigsalug, Ata, and others. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) Outside influences have caused changes in the economic systems of indigenous peoples. The consequences for the communities involved are varied, and it seems that efficient accommodation of elements from the new system is often facilitated by innovative social organization that ensures control of the land by the indigenous community. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) For example, when the Igorots of Sagada were introduced into the western market economy, the gradual transformation did not entail much conflict because the Igorots have maintained control over their own resources and become involved in social relations that are not commoditized. Similarly in the case of the Buhid of Mindoro, government economic and developmental interventions have not resulted in the outright assimilation and economic deprivation of the group because of ingenuities in landownership among them. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) In other cases, the introduction of a different cultural system led to the disintegration of indigenous society. For instance, the promotion of American rule among the Tiruray of Cotabato transformed them into peasant communities, as immigrants introduced new lifestyles and a market economy. The same could be said of the Higaonon of northern Bukidnon Province, who suffered abuse and exploitation from immigrants. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) After independence, the Philippine Government established a greater presence in the formerly remote areas of indigenous occupation. This required that communities of indigenous peoples elect village captains, mayors, and national leaders. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) All of this created changes in the leadership structure of the hitherto isolated communities. However, there remain groups little influenced by change and others where the imposed structure and traditional structure continue to coexist. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) Among the Agta, the network of intertwining familial and kinship ties continues to provide assistance, privileges, and protection to its members. Leadership among the Bungkalot, Teduray, and Sulod is assumed by the elder who possesses the personal skill to persuade and influence, and who is a good speaker with knowledge of customary law. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) The council of leaders, called intugtukan among the Bontoc, tontong by the lbaloi, and pakilukesen by the Arumanen. Manobo is composed of persons of wealth and charisma, and with knowledge of customary law. They meet to settle cases and decide on important social and religious affairs. Distribution and Sociocultural Features of Indigenous Peoples (Rovillos and Morales, 2002) The influence, power, and authority of the Datu prevails among the Manuvu, Higaonon, and some Bagobo groups. He is assisted by a council of leaders and other respected members of the community in the performance of his obligations. Among the functions of a Manuvu Datu are settling cases, keeping the peace, and deciding where the village is to move for the next swidden cycle. Spanish Colonial IP Historical Period (1565 - 1898) Colonial American Disenfranchisem Colonial Regime ent and (1898 - 1949) Resistance Postcolonial (Hirai, 2015) Period (1950 onward) Spanish Colonial Period (1565- 1898) Military expeditions and religious missions were launched by Spain since the Regalian Doctrine declared that the entire Philippines was under the ownership of the King of Spain. The indigenous peoples were marginalized and the majority- minority dichotomy with its attendant problems of discrimination and exploitation persisted. Spanish Colonial Period (1565-1898) These were heightened as the The Japanese IPs resisted (1940 - 1944) who Christianization took over did not and integration change the into the colonial system. structure. American Politico-military, economic and cultural measures were Colonial instituted to subjugate and integrate indigenous peoples Regime into the political structure (1898-1949) which they controlled. The Regalian Doctrine upheld and promoted the private system of ownership (ibid). Laws that undermined the communal land ownership American concept were: Torrens system of land registration (Land Colonial Registration Act No. 496 of 1902); Philippine Commission Act No. 178 of Regime 1903 (all unregistered lands became part of public domain); Mining Law of 1905 (Acquisition of public (1898- lands by Americans for mining purposes); and 1949) Public Land Acts of 1913, 1919, and 1925 (Mindanao and all other fertile lands the State considered unoccupied and unreserved; unappropriated public lands became available to homesteaders and corporations) (ibid). The postcolonial period did not change the western Postcolonia concept of land ownership and use. l Period (1950 The 1935 Constitution stated that all agricultural, timber, and domain, onward) waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, and other natural resources of the Philippines belong to the State. The 1987 Constitution retained the Regalian Doctrine stating: "all lands of the public domain, Postcolonial waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral Period oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forests or (1950 timber, wildlife, fauna, and fauna, and other natural onward) resources are owned by the State." The constitution also recognized the rights of indigenous cultural communities within the context of national unity of development. When the Philippines achieved independence in 1949, a program of assimilation of the Postcolonial IPs/ICCs was adopted by the government. Period The IPs/ICCs were steadfast in (1950 their attachment to their ancestral domains, exercising onward) the self-governance system characterized by traditional leadership and political structures, customs and judicial intervention (Meltogina as cited in Hirai, 2015). Encroachment by lowlanders and Postcolonial colonizers persisted. Period The socio-economic (1950 situation of the IPs further deteriorated in onward) the 19th century when cultivation of crops such as tobacco, sugar, abaca, coconuts failed. Cutting of timber and mining of metals and minerals resulted in their displacement and loss Postcolonial of economic resources. Period Furthermore, the American and subsequently, the Philippine (1950 government policy of cultural assimilation and resettlement onward) of indigenous people pushed them farther into the hinterlands where they survived with fewer resources. From the late 1970s to the 1990s, a group of IP leaders Postcolonial with the assistance of civil Period society, called for the government's recognition of (1950 their rights. onward) Hence, Republic Act No. 8371, or the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA), was signed into law on October 29, 1997 by then President Fidel V. Ramos. It was enacted in 1997 to fully recognize, protect Postcolonial and promote the rights of ICCs/IPs. The IPRA created Period the National Commission (1950 on Indigenous Peoples to serve as the primary onward) government agency to implement the rights- based approach in their development. Despite the legislation, the IPs remained a neglected group with high incidence of poverty, Postcolonial illiteracy, unemployment and underemployment, continuous Period conversion by outsiders of their (1950 ancestral lands and dissipation of their cultural heritage. onward) In provinces with indigenous cultural communities, most Local Government Units (LGUs) were assisted by the UNICEF Philippines' Sixth Country Programme for Children (CP6). The UNICEF rapid assessment focused on poverty, livelihood, education, health, water and Postcolonial sanitation, child abuse and exploitation and status of Period women in these communities. (1950 Indigenous children who reside onward) in nearly every area covered by the program may not have been attended by the CPC6 due to distance and/or cultural factors that make it difficult to deal with them efficiently. Lesson 1 Part 4: THE STUDY OF IPs