Crime in the City Revision PDF

Crime, Security & Justice in the City Revision Constructions of crime in the city Zone-in transition & upward mobility  1900-1970s – period of ‘high modernity’ where crime was an urban problem  Period of rapid urbanisation in USA and Western Europe expanding size of cities  Zon...

Crime, Security & Justice in the City Revision Constructions of crime in the city Zone-in transition & upward mobility  1900-1970s – period of ‘high modernity’ where crime was an urban problem  Period of rapid urbanisation in USA and Western Europe expanding size of cities  Zone in transition in inner city was regarded as criminogenic – constant resident turnover = unstable communities and weakened social control Ecology of Fear & Smart City  1960-70s – Re-emergence of dangerous city, spatial struggles & conflict  Davis 1998 – The ecology of fear o A ‘fortress mentality’ o Quarantined commuting – daily life is a series of controlled spaces o Demise of civic policing  Smart city o Hyperconnected citizens o Cyberscape – access to online communications o Commercial & governmental space Urban Criminal Collaborations Youthful urban collaborations Central to criminological canon but evade definition and narrow categorisation Urban Unrest Explanation of why riots happen  Sociological – focus on structure, social inequality, exclusion  Psychological – distinctive traits of rioters (rationality, personality, morality)  Social psychological – interactional aspects, collective identity Traditional psychological approaches: ‘classical theories’ (Le Bon 1985)  Le Bon – late 19th century as ‘era of the crowd’ – a psychological entity with a collective mind  3 parts 1. Submersion – loss of sense of self 2. Contagion – inability to resist passing ideas/emotion 3. Atavism – crowd members lose veneer of civilisations, become irrational Criticisms of classical crowd theories  Decontextualisation  Generalisation  Pathologisation  Ideological slant (denial of voice & responsibility, legitimised repression) Social Psychological theories – Stott’s (2017) Elaborated social identity model (ESIM)  Crowd contains different psychological crowds w/ different identities  Changes occur within crowd, indiscriminate treatment of all members triggers change  Treated as illegitimate – moderates seem themselves as oppositional  ESIM & public order policing principles o Educate o Communicate o Facilitate o Differentiate Sociological theories of crowd violence  Social disorganisation  Strain theories  Relative deprivation  Subcultural theories  1. Studies of US ‘ghetto’ riots in late 1960s (e.g. Kerner Commission 1968)  Responses emphasised social elements  Product of social exclusion, marginalisation, poverty, racism  Riots as mechanism of political protest not basic criminality or irrationality 2. Studies of UK riots from 1980s onwards  Structural inequality, poverty, unemployment, racism  Experiences of policing Flashpoints Model – Waddington 1989 1. Structural – inequality, social exclusion 2. Political/ideological – the way key institutions respond to group concerns 3. Cultural – shared ways of life 4. Contextual – communication around situation, history of relationship with police 5. Situational – social features of the arena of disorder 6. Interactional – nature of interaction at the scene Criticisms of flashpoints  Simplistic police blaming  Over generalisation  Homogenisation of crowd  Flashpoints not clearly specified  Focuses on causes of riots rather than the dynamics during and afterwards 2011 riots vs previous disorder  Differences o Scale of rioting, speed and extent o Reaction of penal state o Ethnic & gender mix o Social media communication o Looting o Political criticism of police  Similarities  o Structural issues (poverty, inequality) o Toxic police-community relations ‘Reading the Riots’; what the rioters talked about  Excitement  Consumerism  Empowerment against police  Sense of injustice Political protest or shopping riots? 1. Political protest (Reading the Riots)  Deprivation & inequality  Austerity  MPs expenses scandal  Radicalised policing e.g. stop & search 2. Consumer riots (Treadwell 2013)  Collapse of collective political vision in post-industrial areas  Individualism  Ability to acquire symbolically charged consumer goods Why did riots NOT happen in some places?  Flashpoints model  Leeds & Bristol – aspects of political, situational and interactional levels reduced risk of mass violence Terrorism Wilkinson 2006:  Always premeditated  Retains a symbolic element  Usually considered extra-normal  Influences political behaviour Practical considerations of why cities  Degree of anonymity  Ease of sourcing components/funds   Recruitment  Communication & transport  Wealth of targets Urban terrorists: strategies, tactics & targets  Create a sense of social dislocation  Spread fear & chaos  Provoke governments to engage in repressive counter-terrorist responses  Inflict economic & military damage  Gain publicity – it is aimed at people watching, not actual victims Savitch 2003 – 9/11 paradigm & economic ramifications of urban terrors  9/11 – contagion of economic distress  1.6 mil jobs lost – disproportionate losses in larger cities and those reliant on tourism  Domestic air travel down by 8%, international down by 20% Ecology of Fear (Davis):  Describes the pervasive fear of crime and unrest in inner-city neighbourhoods.  This fear leads to demands for increased state intervention and punitive measures.  Results in heightened surveillance, increased police powers, and policies aimed at maintaining social order.  These measures ultimately destroy democratic public spaces. Evidence that post 9/11 cities are ‘dystopia gone wild’  Increased Fear: Post-9/11, cities face heightened fear and insecurity among residents.  Paralyzed Life: Constant threat of terrorism can lead to restricted movement and a sense of paralysis.  Urban Exodus: Some residents flee cities for perceived safer suburbs.   Dystopian Trends: These factors contribute to a sense of "Dystopia Gone Wild," where urban life is characterized by fear and restriction.  Counterpoint: Terrorism can initially unite people, but this unity is often temporary.  Key Factors: The impact of terrorism varies based on target, frequency, and the effectiveness of security measures. Impact on people in cities  Alienation: Counter-terrorism alienates "suspect" communities.  Social Division: Erodes trust between communities and law enforcement.  "Us vs. Them": Fuels cycles of violence and creates fear.  Unequal Impact: Disproportionately impacts marginalized groups.  Need for Prevention: Focus on prevention and community engagement. Designing out terrorism – Coaffee 2004  "Rings of Steel": Increased security measures in London post-9/11.  Urban Fragmentation: Creates "splintered urbanism" with divided security zones.  Freedom vs. Security: Balancing security needs with democratic freedoms.  Risk of Militarization: Concerns about the militarization of urban spaces. Space, Place and Crime in the City Ecological perspective on urban crime  Perceptions of “rough” vs “nice” areas  Crime is distributed unevenly between different times and places  Core focus in 20th century – legal definitions of crime and what factors cause offending  Since 1970s – growing focus on crimes as events that happen in space and time   Ecological studies looked at impact of social/physical environment crime  Bottoms (2007) proposes term ‘socio-spatial’ criminology given then association of ‘environmental’ criminology with ‘green crimes’  ‘Place’ – a geographical location with specific boundaries to which social meanings are attached Methodologies 1. Offender-based approaches o Statistical mapping of offender residence patterns in cities o Identification of ‘delinquent areas’ 2. Offence-based approaches o Spatial analysis of victimisation risks & safety perception o Local crime surveys and analysis of recorded crime data o GIS mapping & hotspots 3. Neighbourhood case studies o Ethnographic immersion in life-worlds of local places Key findings from ‘socio-spatial’ studies  Offender rates vary between places (Zone in transition or peripheral housing estates)  Spatial clustering of crimes between different areas (inner city, residential suburbs, relatively poorer/richer locations)  Variations in crime are associated with different physical, social and economic environments  Even in high crime areas, spatial distribution of offenders and victims is not random but concentrated on hotspots  Brantingham & Brantingham (1981) - offenders’ decision-making about where to offend is not random but shaped by social/physical environment (opportunities/risks)  Wilson & Kelling (1982) – disorder and the response sends important risk and control signals to residents and associated with higher rates of serious crime Theoretical Explanations Social Disorganisation Theory – Shaw & McKay (1942)  Statistical concentration of young offenders in zone in transition   Low socioeconomic status areas, high resident turnover, ethnic and cultural heterogeneity  Weak civic institutions > no common values, lack of social trust > low social control  Young people congregate in public space, lack of parental surveillance  Environment encourages criminal subcultures, young people not socialised into conformist values and exposed to ‘deviant’ norms Criticisms:  Focus on ‘official’ definition of crime and ‘usual suspects’  Self-fulfilling prophecies due to bias of police and courts  Over-deterministic – why are some individuals more immune to criminogenic effects of environment  Some high crime areas have strong social ties to organisation Collective efficacy – Robert Sampson  Role of informal social control in neighbourhoods  A process of activities social ties among residents to achieve collective goals e.g. control of crime  High levels of mutual trust necessary for not sufficient, residents must be willing to intervene  Use of public space, intervene in incidents, solve disputes before they escalate and cooperate with police  High CE = low rates of violences Spatial variation in disorder Broken windows (Wilson & Kelling 1982)  Incivilities linked with higher crime – developmental sequence  Incivilities > fear of crime > changes in local norms > serious crime Signal Crime Perspective (Innes 2004)  Crime Drop & Reassurance Gap   Public perceptions of disorder are key in symbolic construction of place  Disorder transmits signals that shape risk perceptions  Formal and informal control signals important to send countersignals to residents Criticisms:  Empirical support for association between signs of disorder and more serious crime  Correlation does not prove causation  Disorder and more serious crime are BOTH caused by deeper structural and social factors  But both theories provide accounts of how incivilities indirectly contribute to crime rate Routine Activities Theory (Cohen & Felson 1979)  Offenders weigh up risks, efforts and rewards  Socioeconomic environments shape opportunities for offending  Challenges to thinking about crime as a pathology related to social ills  Changes in routine daily activities over time associated with change in crime rates  Three key elements: motivated offender, suitable target and the absence of a capable guardian  Built environments is key shaper of crime opportunities  Defensible space – Newman o Territoriality – a sense of ownership o Natural surveillance – building placement, access routes, lighting o Image – general perception of area o Milieu – location of place within wider urban area Individual risk factors vs neighbourhood effects: the challenge of ‘life course’ theories  Life course criminology – individual risk factors predict later offending (low intelligence, ineffective parenting)  Criminal careers of persistent offenders show that deviance starts before wider neighbourhood factors kick in Neighbourhood ‘regeneration’ and ‘renewal’  Regeneration – physical & social interventions tackle deeper causes of social problems in deprived areas e.g. Priority Estates Project, Safer Cities  Physical enhancement – housing stock improvement, street design  Social interventions – improved schooling, work opportunities Situational Crime Prevention – ‘designing out crime’ (Clarke 1995)  Focus on immediate environment of crime event  Increase perceived risk of offences, reduce potential reward  Enhance defensible space  Improve traditional security and more generic design features Criticisms:  Superficial – avoids fundamental causes of crime  Displacement – temporal or spatial  Damaging side-effects – weakens social bonds, fortress societies & polarisations Hotspots/Predictive policing  Crime mapping to direct policing resources  Identification of hot spots of crime cluster, deploy police there Violence & disorder in the night-time economy Costs of violence & disorder in NTE  42% of all recorded violent incidents, victim believed attacker to be under the influence of alcohol  £1 billion per annum – cost of alcohol-related violent crime. £1.9 billion for alcohol-related health problems Civic Boosterism  Rapid expansion of city NTE can be linked to high violence  Local authorities prioritized economic growth, overlooking the harms of heavy drinking in the night-time economy (Hobbs et al., 2005).   "Urban Beauty Contests" - cities competed to attract business, often ignoring social consequences (Swann, 2012).  Profit Over Public Safety - authorities encouraged new business without considering the impact on disorder (Taylor-Swann, 2007).  Cause of Violence & Disorder - issues in the NTE stem from local authorities working with big business, not just individual behaviour.  Alcohol Industry & Regeneration - authorities relied on alcohol- related businesses to boost urban areas and create jobs.  Lack of Accountability - big businesses expanded freely, making profits while avoiding responsibility for alcohol-related violence. Sociological & Psychological explanations of alcohol-related disorder  Moore (2012) – randomised controlled trial (matched pairs) to reduce alcohol-related harm  Findings:  Better customer management, trained security, responsible serving staff to reduce overconsumption  Environmental factors affect aggression: loud/low-quality/slow- tempo music, temperature & air quality, crowding & uncomfortable furniture  Hobbs’ Research – participant observations & interviews on the how nightlife spaces shape behaviour  Authorities promote rapid expansion of NTE, prioritise economic gain over safety  Bouncers enforce order in a chaotic marketplace but should not be demonise  Risky behaviours tolerated for profit; nightlife central to working class identity Problems with NTE – Critical Realist (CR) practice  CR concerned with identification of structures that generate world but these can only be accessed through fallible interpretations  Concern with identifying causal mechanisms in experiences respondents provided Opportunities to control, prevent or reduce crime in NTE   Policing/Project Vigilant o Focus on identifying predatory sexual violence in NTE o Support for those identified as exhibiting predatory behaviour o Bystander intervention training  Plural policing: student volunteers, bouncers, street pastors, taxi ambassadors  Environmental & urban planning: pedestrianisation, taxi ranks, street furniture  Mixed evening economy: shift away from alcohol dependent places e.g. pubs/clubs toward ‘evening economy’ which is more diverse and family friendly, less dependent on alcohol Street Vice Feminism  Liberal Feminism o Women have a right to choose what they do with their bodies o Sex work is work, should have same protections as other jobs o Tend to be pro-decriminalisation & legalisation  Radical Feminism o Women’s sexuality should not be commodified, it reaffirms patriarchy and male dominance over women o Sex work is not work – it’s a last resort in a political system that fails women in poverty and cannot be entirely consensual Community Responses – Pitcher 2006  Street sex work did not affect overall quality of life for residents  Concerns raised about visibility of sex workers, associated with drugs and crime  Community views varied from sympathy to displace them from local streets  Residents & sex workers supported idea of ‘tolerance zones’ Legalisation example – 2002 Prostitution Act in Germany   Sex workers must register, and can claim unemployment benefit & healthcare – some claim this results in stigmatisation  Profitable for businesses (brothels)  Germany as a ‘sex tourist’ destination  However large numbers of unregistered sex workers, prices are down so women are undertaking more risky services to earn more Decriminalisation – New Zealand Model  Decriminalised all sex work since 2003  System of licensing inc health & safety, improves perceptions of sex workers and rights are guaranteed Nordic/Abolitionist Model  Criminalise buyers and decriminalise the ‘sellers’ – provide sex workers with support to exit  Strengthen laws against trafficking & brothels  However: sex work will go ‘underground’, increased violence against women Urban Security Futures Matza (1969)  Argued criminology wrongly separated crime from state  Crime control should be understood within broader sociopolitical contexts  Urban security policies must consider state power and governance Prospects for Urban Security Agendas (Edwards, Devroe & Ponsaers 2017)  Maintenance – balances due process with pressures for pre- emptive policing – risk of undermined legal protections  Developmental – risk-based security can lead to miscarriage of justice   Reformist – shift conflict resolution to private matters  Transformative – social justice struggle with high costs & collective action  Failing – policing risks becoming ungovernable Contrasting Security Governance & Ignored Insecurities  Security governance: ‘Neo-liberal’, concern with usual suspects of street crime, drug use, an exercise in ‘mass distraction’ from..  Ignored Insecurities: Everyday insecurities that are more prevalent e.g. degraded environments, deregulated toxic industrial production, corrupt public administration. Security in the hyperconnected ‘smart’ city  Cities are the world’s most dominant and enduring social structures (Khanna 2016) Edwards & Calaresu 2018 – Smart cities & security  Tech-driven governance lacks reflection on security risks  New vulnerabilities may arise from smart city solutions  Commercial & political interests drive adoption not security Online/offline interface in offending  Critical infrastructure – ransomware attacks  Property & personal crime – hacking of ‘smart homes’, smart devices & DV Smart City & Drug Trade – Berry 2018  Drug markets use human relations & tech to outsmart  County lines, distribution through online sites The De-escalate Project, Eindhoven  Focus on inclusion & behavioural manipulation rather than exclusion  Create pleasant urban entertainment area for everyone  Security – uses light, smell & sound to influence mood and behaviour Emergent Tech   Automation of Knowledge Work (Algorithms) o Enhances prediction of unrest o Circumvention of surveillance via sub-tweeting, screen capture  3D Printing (Firearms) o Accessible materials o Potential for weaponizing social conflicts and avoiding gun control laws  Autonomous Vehicles (Wireless, computer driven vehicles) o Used for surveillance o Avoid state surveillance Green Criminology Why? 1. Growth of environmentally related criminal offices New environment crimes (Potter) Expansion of organised crime into new areas Environmental protests 2. Crimes and Harms Legal activities that degrade the environment Critical criminologists and role of criminal law Environmental harms are more widespread than traditional ones 3. Lessons from traditional criminology Measuring crime Responding to crime – prevention, policing, punishment Key Features  Reflects growing concerns around environmental degradation  Moves beyond strict legal definitions of environmental crime  Radical/critical – focuses on harmful behaviour of the powerful states/corporations compared with traditional focus on crimes of the streets Primary, Secondary & Tertiary Green Crimes 1. Primary green crimes – cause direct harm to environment   Air pollution, deforestation, harms against non-human species 2. Secondary green crimes – arise from violation of environmental laws  Organised crime dumping toxic waste, fly tipping, illegal poaching of fish 3. Tertiary green crimes – committed by environmental victims  Crimes committed by climate change migrants or pollutants in food/water Green Crime Offenders  Nation states/govts  TNCs  Organised crime groups  Individuals & families Victims & Green Crime  Humans (Anthropocentric perspective)  Environmental justice – disproportionate victimisation of marginalised groups  Future generations  Fauna & flora (Biocentric perspective)  Ecosystems & the earth (Eco-centric perspective) Green conceptions of ‘justice’  Anthropocentric  Human-centred notions  Future gens and justice across social groups  Biocentric  Animals have rights & inherent value  Ecocentric  Humans are but one component of ecosystems  Ecological citizenship Responding to Green Crimes  Traditional criminal justice: cops & courts  Administrative law: compliance-based  Market instruments: economic costs & incentives  New environmental governance: participatory regulation Traditional Approach: Criminalisation Increase resources for prosecution, extend reach of law, tough penalties Problems  Transnational environmental crime  Under-policing  Difficulties of legal proof  Public views on seriousness Administrative law & regulatory approaches  Informal regulation - Advice/guidance, permits, warnings  Administrative (public) law - Statutory works notices, prohibition notices, civil fines  Problems - Enforcement resources, perceived leniency Market instruments & self regulation  Incentivising corporations & citizens  Markets for pollution/emissions trading  Consumer appeal approaches/green credentials  Subsidies for solar panels, electric cars  Taxing fossils fuels & petrol cars  Problems – embracing the enemy? Greenwashing New Environmental Governance  Traditional state approaches e.g. state policing, prosecution cannot work to control environmental harms  Effective governance draws on knowledge of non-state groups e.g. community groups, civil society  Adopts proactive & risk-based approaches Green Crime & the Urban  Cities contribute 75% of emissions  New cities need raw materials & power  Urbanisation is primary driver of habitat & biodiversity loss  Climate migration – rural to urban areas 3 potential contributions of ‘green’ perspective  Radical perspective – highlight ignored insecurities as criminological problems  New perspectives – organised, corporate and white-collar crime  Eco city models – address both green and ‘normal’ crimes associated with ecological analysis of urban crime Dirty-collar crime – Ruggiero & South 2010  Case study in relation to management of waste  Waste disposal – highly profitable business  Dirty collar crime – pattern of systemic corruption of local officials avoiding regulations  Crime by proxy – waste dumping contracted out to criminal groups  Criminal partnerships – public officials and organised criminals working together New green perspectives on ecological theories of urban crime  Social disorganisation and collective efficacy – high mobility & resident turnover, lacks stable control of community & trust  Opportunity theories – e.g. Routine Activities Theory – motivated offenders, suitable target, lack of capable guardian  Broken Windows & Signal Crime perspectives – disorder sends social control signals to residents which shapes risk perceptions Principles of Ecocity Design (Lynch 2013)  Reorganised living spaces associated with leisure & work  Integrated sustainable transport  Localised production & employment  Emphasis on renewable energy Impact of Eco-cities of green & traditional crimes  Generate fewer environmental harms associated with ‘traditional’ cities  Beneficial impacts on reducing victimisation for ‘traditional’ crimes – increase collective efficacy, social capital, informal social control, social integration