Comp Poli Notes - Test 2 PDF

Summary

These notes cover various aspects of political science, including parliamentary democracies, government formation, electoral systems, political parties, and constitutional review.

Full Transcript

**Class 10/07 - Parliamentary Democracies** Political scientists categorize democracies in various ways, but a common approach is based on the relationship between the legislative and executive branches, as described in the sources. In a parliamentary democracy, the government, consisting of the p...

**Class 10/07 - Parliamentary Democracies** Political scientists categorize democracies in various ways, but a common approach is based on the relationship between the legislative and executive branches, as described in the sources. In a parliamentary democracy, the government, consisting of the prime minister and the cabinet, relies on the support of a legislative majority to stay in power. The prime minister acts as the head of government. The cabinet, made up of ministers, oversees different government departments. Legislative responsibility is a key characteristic of parliamentary democracies, granting the legislature the power to remove the government through a vote of no confidence without needing a specific reason. If the government fails to secure a legislative majority during a vote of no confidence initiated by the legislature, it is obligated to resign. Unlike presidential democracies, parliamentary democracies lack fixed electoral terms, as the government can dissolve at any point, and new governments can be formed accordingly. Government Formation: In parliamentary systems, elections determine the composition of the legislature, and the government subsequently emerges from this legislature. New governments can be formed after elections or during an inter-election period following the resignation of the existing government. The process can involve a single party or a coalition of parties, depending on whether a single party secures a majority in the legislature. Single-Party Governments: The prime minister typically assumes leadership of the ruling party, with party leaders chosen through internal party procedures. The prime minister holds significant power in nominating cabinet members. Coalition Governments: In cases where no single party gains a legislative majority, multiple party leaders negotiate to determine the prime minister and cabinet composition. Usually, the leader of the largest party becomes prime minister, and cabinet positions are distributed among coalition partners proportionally, although this might not always be the case. Coalition governments often involve parties with similar ideological stances. **Class 10/09 - Government Formation** -------------------------------------- - - - - - - - - - - - The sources provide a framework for understanding government formation in parliamentary democracies, emphasizing the interplay between the pursuit of office and the influence of ideological alignment in shaping different types of governing coalitions. **Class 10/14 - Electoral Systems and Majoritarian Rules** - - - - - **Class 10/16 - Proportional Electoral Systems** - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - **Class 10/18 - Mixed Electoral Systems and Gender Quotas** ### **Mixed Electoral Systems** - - - - - - ### **Gender Quotas** - - - - - - - - - **Class 10/21 - Political Parties and Party Systems** - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - **Class 10/30 -** Constitutional review is a key aspect of \"new constitutionalism,\" the idea that modern constitutions should not only establish governmental structures but also guarantee basic human rights.1 A key element of constitutional review is that some institution, typically a court, has the power to invalidate laws or government actions that violate the constitution.2 The United States Constitution, along with the Supreme Court\'s interpretation of it, is the ultimate legal authority in the US.3 A specific example of the importance of constitutional review is the separation of church and state. The interpretation of this principle can vary widely between countries.3 The French concept of *laïcité*, enshrined in the French Constitution, results in a much stricter separation of church and state than exists in the US.3 In France, there is no display of religion in public schools, and state employees are expected to be secular.4 This contrasts with the US, where religious expression is more tolerated in public life, including \"In God We Trust\" on currency and prayers in Congress.4 The US system of constitutional review is known as *a posteriori* review, meaning review happens after a law is enacted.5 In the US, any judge in any court can rule on the constitutionality of a law, and their decisions can be appealed to higher courts.5 **Class 11/01 - Veto Inequallity** - - - - - - - - - - - **Class 11/04** Formal Representation: The sources argue that formal representation guarantees everyone a legal right to participate in politics equally. This argument implies that if groups are descriptively underrepresented, their ability to exercise this right might be compromised, thus justifying efforts to increase their descriptive representation. Mistrust and Inclusion: The sources cite political theorist Jane Mansbridge\'s argument that historical mistrust between minority and majority groups necessitates greater inclusion of minority groups in politics. This argument suggests that descriptive representation can help mitigate the effects of this mistrust and promote a more inclusive democracy. The Policy Argument: The sources also highlight the \"policy argument,\" which contends that diverse perspectives at the policy-making table can lead to better policy outcomes. This argument suggests that descriptive representation has a practical utility in improving the quality of policy decisions. The Integrated Framework: The sources emphasize that descriptive representation shouldn\'t be considered in isolation. They introduce the \"integrated framework,\" which posits that all four aspects of representation---formal, descriptive, substantive, and symbolic---are interconnected and essential for a functioning democracy. This framework suggests that descriptive representation can have positive ripple effects on other aspects of representation, such as substantive representation (policy responsiveness) and symbolic representation (public perception of government legitimacy). **Class 11/13 - Contentious Politics** Unconventional political participation takes place outside of established institutions and frequently involves contentious politics. Protests, a common form of unconventional political participation, can range from peaceful demonstrations to disruptive actions and even violence. While protests can be disruptive, they often serve to capture attention when traditional institutional channels fail to address citizens\' concerns. Latin America has witnessed numerous instances of citizens utilizing protests to voice their political concerns, particularly during the third wave of democratization. Examples of impactful protests in Latin America include: ○ Brazil (2016): Protests related to a corruption scandal coincided with the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. ○ Bolivia (21st century): Mass demonstrations led to the resignation of two presidents. March for Territory and Dignity (1990s): Protests demanding recognition of indigenous land rights resulted in the government granting millions of acres to indigenous groups. Water Wars (early 2000s): Protests erupted in response to water privatization efforts, leading to government concessions. 2019 Protests: Forced the resignation of Evo Morales. ○ Chile (2019): Protests prompted the government to initiate a process for a new constitution. Collective action theory helps explain why protests occur. People are more likely to mobilize when they realize their struggles are shared. This is known as common knowledge. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other voluntary associations can facilitate common knowledge and mobilization. Political scientist Sheri Berman challenges the conventional wisdom that high levels of participation are always beneficial for democracy. Berman suggests that in new democracies, where institutions are weak, mobilization and high participation can be destabilizing for several reasons: ○ Governments may lack the capacity to respond to citizen demands. ○ Citizens may place unrealistic demands on new democracies. ○ Governments that consistently fail to meet expectations can lead to citizen disillusionment and a preference for non-democratic alternatives. Berman suggests that protest and voting are not mutually exclusive, but represent a continuum of political engagement. The choice of engagement depends on the quality of democracy in a given context. Berman argues that protests can be a sign of political engagement and are more prevalent among politically active individuals. To test her hypotheses, Berman examined Bolivia due to its relatively new democracy, weak political institutions, and history of impactful protests. She measured democratic quality by assessing the competitiveness of elections. Her findings support her argument that: ○ In places with weak democratic institutions, NGO activity is associated with increased protests. ○ The relationship between NGO activity and protests is strongest where elections are less competitive. ○ The relationship between NGO activity and voting is strongest in places with competitive elections. Corruption The sources also discuss corruption, broadly defined as the use of public power for personal gain. Bribery, one type of corruption, increases costs for citizens, particularly the poor, and can lead to distrust in state institutions. Large-scale corruption, involving the theft of public resources, can hinder development and erode the legitimacy of political systems. Survey data from the Latinobarómetro and Afrobarometer reveal that citizens are generally aware of corruption but often tolerant of it. Chang and Kerr\'s Insider-Outsider theory explains why some voters tolerate corrupt politicians. According to the theory, patronage insiders, who receive preferential access and benefits from incumbents, are more likely to be aware of and tolerant of corruption. Similarly, identity insiders, who share ethnicity or political party affiliation with incumbents, may be less likely to perceive corruption and more likely to tolerate it.

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