Barani's Works, 1283-1359 PDF

Join with us in Telegram Telegram Channel THE PATHSHALA – SUPREET DHAMIJA BARANI  Chapter ❑ Zia–Ul–Barani (1283–1359) was the most important political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, particularly, during the reigns of Alauddin Khalji, Muhammad bin Tughlaq and Firoz Shah Tughlaq. The a...

Join with us in Telegram Telegram Channel THE PATHSHALA – SUPREET DHAMIJA BARANI  Chapter ❑ Zia–Ul–Barani (1283–1359) was the most important political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, particularly, during the reigns of Alauddin Khalji, Muhammad bin Tughlaq and Firoz Shah Tughlaq. The attention given to Baranī is, in part, also due to the fact that he chronicled the reigns of eight sultans of Delhi, beginning with Ghiyās al-Dīn Balban (1266–87) and ending with Fīrūz Shāh (1351–88). ❑ In addition, he was an influential courtier under Muḥammad bin Tughluq (1324– 51), the ruler he served as an emissary and as a court advisor for 17 years. His ideas have been considered significant in understanding medieval polity and other strands of thinking that existed in that period of history. He represented and championed the idea of political expediency in Islamic history which he conveyed to the ruler by way of his nasihats (advices). He has often been criticized as a fundamentalist and a bigot for his emphasis on following the Shariat (laws of the Quran and the Prophet’s tradition) (Advice II) and his views on the Hindus (Advice XI.2), as compared to relatively liberal thinkers like Abul Fazl. This itself is an irony because in the earlier days he was mocked upon by the Ulemas and others for not following the Quranic principles and for calling himself an Indian rather than a Turk. However, later in life, when he adopted a politically hard line for governance, he was dismissed from the court at the age of 68 (1351 AD) and lived in penury on the outskirts of Delhi. For all these things together, Barani remains to be an enigmatic and an important political thinker of Medieval India.  EARLY LIFE AND INFLUENCE Chapter ❑ Barani was extensively educated. He was conversant with both Arabic & Persian and was trained in Muslim theology. ❑ He had studied history comprehensively. He was close to the mystic saint Nizamuddin Auliya and to Amir Khusrau. ❑ Later, he spent 17 years with Muhammad Bin Tughlaq with whom he learnt the art of governance and statecraft, particularly how monarchy functions. Hence, his political theory is basically a reflection of what he saw firsthand from his proximity to the political power and that is why he was in such good know of how the internal contradictions exist in issues of governance.  The Advocacy and Defense of Historiography as a Field of Knowledge Chapter As with many historians of his time and earlier, Baranī shared a high view of history. Baranī noted seven qualities of history that make it worthy of dedication. On the basis of these qualities, he builds his foundation for the knowledge of history. 1. History was first and foremost beneficial because it is the means of profiting from what he refers to as the possessors of insight, principally the prophets and sultans whose deeds are recorded in the heavenly books (kutub-i samāwī). He argues that the ultimate example of the usefulness of history is found in the Qurʾān. He defines the Qurʿān as a historical text, which played a central role in the development of Islamic historiography. 2. Along with the knowledge of the Qurʾān, Baranī also sees the knowledge of history as sharing certain traits with the knowledge of ḥadīth. It has long been noted that the knowledge of ḥadīth played a major role in the development of historiography. Baranī argues that this relationship exists primarily on the level of method. He refers to the process by which ḥadīth scholars criticise or praise the narrators of the circumstances of transmission of the sayings and deeds of the Prophet, thus establishing their validity. 3. The third quality that Baranī lists is that the knowledge of history contributes to the abundance of reason, discernment, personal opinion and putting things in order. According to Baranī, through the knowledge of history one gains personal experience through the experience of others. By understanding the misfortunes of others, one develops vigilance.  Chapter 4. For Baranī, history also plays an important advisory role for Muslim rulers. Baranī asserts that the fourth quality of history is that it provides hope to sultans and kings so that they are fortified against the accidents of time. He insists that the path of today’s generation of leaders is lit by those who have gone before and who applied a remedy to the maladies of the government. 5. Related with the Fourth Quality is the next one. Fifth quality is that for those who know history and the record of the prophets and their encountering misfortune, and their escaping calamity, history becomes a source of acceptance (riẓā) and patience (ṣabr). He concludes this section saying that the believers in Islam do not lose heart in the face of misfortune 6. For the sixth benefit Baranī focuses more specifically on the instruction history provides for rulers and governance. In this way, history assumes an essential function as advice literature and is not merely a record of past 172 Political Concerns and Key Ideas events. Historians were frequently employed within courts to supply advice to the ruling powers, as was the case with Baranī. 7. The final quality of history is that the knowledge of history is based on truth (ṣidq), a discussion that leads into religious polemics. Baranī conceives of history writing as a trust for which there are divine rewards and punishments. He claims that ‘whatever the historian writes falsely will, on the Day of Judgment, be the cause of his most severe punishment (sakhtarīn ʿazāb)’  The idea of Political Expediency and Realism Chapter POLITICAL ADVANTAGES Historian Muzaffar Alam has opined that the peasant revolt of 1330 in the Doab led by the Hindu elites also symbolizes a turbulent moment in the Sultanate period. All these experiences must have gone into the mind of Barani when he was writing his political ideas. Therefore, how to secure the future of the state and how to make the foundation of the Sultanate regime more sturdy became the desideratum when he was talking about the ideal polity and a good sultan and hence, made political expediency the main aim of all his statecraft. Hence, despite the reputation for being conservative and a bigot, Barani remains an enigmatic and a unique thinker. The two major thoughts that stand out in his thought are the idea of justice and the idea of moderation.But these ideas find their justification from the core idea of Political Expediency. Although he was against reason and science, unlike Abul Fazal, but it was political expediency which emerged as the hallmark of his political thinking. So much so that he shows a lot of flexibility in the religious teaching and related precepts. He advises the ruler to make adjustment and allows moderation for dealing with the challenges of those times. Because of this kind of realism that he demonstrates in his writings on statecraft they are compared with the Arthshastra of Kautilya because of his focus on realism and on political expediency.  Zawabit/ State Laws (Advice XIV): The Ideal Polity Chapter Barani categorized laws into two kinds, the Shariat and the Zawabit. While the Shariat meant the teachings and practices of the Prophet and of the Caliphs, the Zawabit were the state laws formulated by the monarch in consultation with the nobility in the changed circumstances to cater to the new requirements which the Shariat was unable to fulfill. It was ideal for the king, nobility and the personnel of administration to follow the Shariat, both in personal domain and in public policies. The state laws, however, were also to be formulated in case of the inability to follow/apply the Shariat. But, he cautioned simultaneously that the lawmakers must take into account the practices of the past and contemporary socio-political conditions while formulating the laws. The Zawabit, he said, must be in the spirit of the Shariat and numerated four conditions (Advice XIV) for its formulation as guidelines, which are as follows: ▪ First, the Zawabit should not negate the Shariat; ▪ Secondly, it must increase the loyalty and hope among the nobles and common people towards the Sultan; ▪ Thirdly, its source and inspiration should be the Shariat and the pious Caliphs; ▪ Fourthly, if at all it had to negate the Shariat out of exigencies, it must follow charities and compensation in lieu of that negation.  Chapter Thus, what he envisaged in the Zawabit was an ideal law which could cater to the needs of the state without offending any section of the nobility in particular and the masses in general. The combination of both religious and state laws are another important dimension of Barani’s thought. Unlike an orthodox fundamentalist, Barni goes for moderation. Therefore, his only test for adopting a particular law is the interest, security and stability of the state. Even if the ruler has to deviate from the Quranic laws, he must do ‘if’ it is done in protecting the interest of the state. In other words, we can say that for Barani- Ends justifies Means. If the end of strengthening the state is being ensured there is no harm is deviating from the religious laws. Interest of the state is paramount. Hence, it was stated in the preceding section that the hallmark of Barani’s thought is in political expediency. In the section under the Zawabit, he advised the formulation of new laws where, in the changed circumstances, the Shariat was unable to serve the purpose of the state. Suppressing the rebellious elite, both Hindus and Muslims, banning education to the under-privileged and nondescript people including Muslims (Advice XI) ‘welfare’ of the subjects, etc. were all intended for consolidating the powers of the Muslim rulers. He knew that, philosophically, monarchy is anti-Shariat (Advice IX.2), yet he accepted it on the grounds of reality. This reveals his intentions of treating the Shariat as a means for political ends.  THEORY OF KINGSHIP Chapter The Ideal Ruler The advices related with this subject are Advice II , Advice XXIV, Advice X, Advice XXIV , all of which spring up from this fundamental understanding - Since the Islamic following was still restricted to a very narrow section of the population, Barani felt it necessary to widen the Islamic base for political obligation towards the monarchy. Barani made a distinction between the personal life of the Sultan and his political role (Advice II). In both aspects, however, he envisaged in him an ideal person— noble born, preferably belonging to the family of the monarch, having an innate sense of justice, wise enough to understand the deception and conspiracies of the wicked (Advice XXIV), understanding the importance of his time and dividing it judiciously between his personal needs and political requirement (Advice X) and following the path of the Shariat, which laid down that he was an agent of god on earth to do the ‘welfare’ of the people. The Sultan was expected to reflect supplication, helplessness, poverty and humility (Advice XXIV) to compensate for the existence of monarchy which was contradictory to the principles of Islam. As far as following the Shariat was concerned, Barani conceded that in the personal realm, the Sultan may choose to be lax but he opposed the idea of laxity in the political sphere as it might lead to disease in the administration, for the ideal polity and the political avatar of the Sultan were intertwined.  Five qualities to desist for the Sultan Chapter ▪ The Sultan must desist from five mean qualities such as falsehood, changeability, deception, wrathfulness and injustice (Advice XXIII). Similarly, differentiation between the determination in the enterprises of the government and tyranny/despotism (Advice IV) was necessary to command faith, fear and prestige among his friends and foes. High resolve, lofty ideals, fair administration, distinctiveness from other monarchs, obligation over people, etc (Advice XV) were the other required characteristics to influence people. ▪ As people were influenced by the character and actions of the monarch, it was necessary for him to maintain all the regalities associated with kingship. Counsellors, army and intelligence officers were indispensable parts of these royal functions. Their selection, gradation, etc. were obviously the duty of the Sultan and required careful attention. It was the king’s responsibility to protect the old political families, to check their possible usurpation of power and to ensure they are not left to live in material deprivation (Advice XXII).  Idea of Justice, Royal Authority and Just Rule Chapter Barani considers justice as the foundation of social organization and political order. For the same, he apprehended the ruler as the curator of justice and described power and authority as the two major components of efficient kingship. The justification for the royal authority of kings lies in their power and dignity, which enabled them to apply justice. The supremacy of the Sultan and the safety of his Sultanate, then, couldn’t have been secured without delivering justice to the subjects. ‘The real justification for the supremacy of the kings and of their power and dignity’, Barani had remarked, ‘is the need for enforcing justice’ (Advice V). Appointment of Judges Accordingly, what came next was the appointment and gradation of judges, with the king himself being at the apex. The functions delineated for them were ‘protection of money, property, women and children of the weak, the obedient, the helpless, the young, the submissive and the friendless’ (Advice V). Further, it was to ‘prevent the strong from having recourse to oppression in their dealings with people’ (Advice V) without which ‘there would be a complete community of women and property’ (Advice V), leading to anarchy in the ruling class. While delivering justice, however, the king should know the appropriate occasions for both forgiveness and punishment (Advice XII). Punishment to the rebellious, cruel, mischievous, etc. had to be combined with mercy and forgiveness for those who accepted their sins and were repentant (Advice XIII). To dispense justice, the courts were divided into civil and criminal categories and they operated at central and provincial levels. The judges were to be appointed by the king, with himself at the apex of the judicial structure, and the fountain-head of justice and highest court of appeal.  Chapter ❑Another aspect related with justice and consequently with the security of the state was remission of taxes. At least during calamities, Barani suggested, the king should remit or reduce taxes and extend monetary help from the treasury till the time it was possible and necessary. All these suggested measures did not emanate from any philanthropic reasoning-rather these were the articles of advice of a realist concerned with the security of the state. ❑Barani’s conception of justice was strongly tilted in favour of the rich and powerful. His hatred against the rustic and underprivileged and bias in favour of the noble-born clarifies the basis of his justice. Infact, the very paradigm of the Fatawa was based on the consolidation and expansion of the elite in the Sultanate; and like any other element of feudal society to be used as an instrument for the perpetuation of monarchy, justice was meant to be a facade for maintaining the serenity of the Sultanate.  NOBILITY Chapter The nobility was the second component of the monarchy. The nobles were the chosen individuals whom the Sultan assigned ‘the right to levy the revenue in particular territories’ which was known as iqta. It was the basic unit of landed property whose holders formed the main class of landed proprietors. The iqtas were frequently transferred from one person to another, which made them nonhereditary. Since the basic function of the Sultanate was revenue collection, for which the entire paraphernalia of administration existed, and which could not have been performed by the king alone, a set of people existed to collect the revenue and advice or formulate administrative policies for it. The selection of such people by the Sultan, therefore, was of a crucial nature for which Barani set certain guidelines, and advised the king to be careful. The criteria were two (Advice XIX). : 1. the people to be selected should be noble-born with loyalty, both personal and political, towards the Sultan; 2. they must possess the quality of sound political judgement and render advice to the monarch while taking into account the prospects and contradictions of the impact of the policies to be undertaken 2. While the first was explicit, he prescribed nine conditions (Advice III) for the second to test the political quality of the counselors. From fear of god, knowledge of history, lack of greed to practical knowledge of state affairs, all must be present in the advisers. Further, he prescribed eleven criteria (Advice III) to judge a policy, which the monarchy planned to undertake, in order to formulate the right one. Finally, he suggested the grading of nobility as per their birth and merit.  BUREAUCRACY Chapter The bureaucracy was another necessary component of the Sultanate whose basic function was to measure the land, fix and collect the taxes for its disbursement among its beneficiaries; and in its absence, the very existence of the ruling class would have become redundant and neither would have the army sustained itself. It operated at three levels, viz., centre, province and village. The Diwan-i Wazarat headed by a wazir (the head of revenue and finance, also known as the prime minister) and assisted by a naib, Musharif-i-Mamalik, Mustawfi- i-Mamalik and dabirs, was at the apex of the revenue department. The three-tier structure of the revenue bureaucracy, which was highly centralized in spite of its vast spread in terms of territorial extent, played the same important role, along with the army, throughout the Sultanate period without much changes either in the percentage of revenue collection per cultivator or in checking the tax burden being passed on to the weaker elements by their superiors. To Barani all these were means of dispensing justice which has been already discussed.  ARMY Chapter ▪ After the Mauryas, the Sultanate was the largest (in terms of territorial extent) and most powerful state (in terms of centralization of power) in India. Obviously, the administration played varied roles, from revenue collection to maintaining law and order, and from public works to dispensing justice. ▪ Out of the main pillars of the administration, the army was the preeminent one which was based on the Turkish- Mongol model. It was divided into four parts, viz., infantry (foot soldiers or payaks), cavalry (horsemen), war elephants and auxiliary, viz., boats, engineers, transporters, scouts, spies, etc. ▪ The cavalry was further divided into three wings. The rank and file such as khan, malik, amir, sipahsalar etc. (Advice VII) which were composed of Turks, Tartars, Rajputs and others were paid either in cash or were assigned the revenues of different villages as per their grades. ▪ As the Sultanate ultimately rested on the power of the army, whose basic functions were the security and expansion of the state, Barani advised the king to take greater care in its efficiency, checking corruption and conspiracies within it and so on The monarch also maintained personal troops called qalb for his safety and ultimate reliability in case of rebellion occurring from within the nobility. The army, apart from performing its above mentioned roles, acquired importance for another reason as well. It acted as a facilitator in the expansion of Islam since the ruling class of the Sultanate came as invaders and immigrants and it needed a large support base.  CRITICISM Chapter The major points of criticisms leveled against Barani are as follows: ▪ He was misunderstood and some scholars labeled him a fundamentalist, an orthodox and a bigot for promoting Islam and discriminating against Hindus. Although not true, but this was a result of his often conflicting writings on the surface. ▪ Secondly, the charge of being fundamentalist also heightens in comparison to Abul Fazal who was definitely much more secular and reasonable in his argumenta and world view. It is an irony that while Barani spent so many years at the service of the Sultan, he was left on the streets of Delhi and spent his life in penury during the old days  Chapter MAJOR WORKS 1. Fatawa-i-Jahandari (Edicts of World Rule), written in 1357, written as nasihat (advices) for the Muslim kings, is a classic work on statecraft which can be compared with Kautilya’s Arthashastra and Machiavelli’s Prince. In Fatawa-i-Jahandari, he advised the Sultans and the Kings, through the mouth of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, his ideal ruler, as to how an effective system of government could be established by implementing the Islamic Shari’ah. This work acts as a mirror for the ruler. Through fictitious character and their discussions, it is explained to a ruler how to best resolve problems. Another interesting feature of Barni’s writing style is that he is speaking through a number of characters, but the ideas conveyed by these characters are very much the ideas of Brani himself. This work is mainly an opinion on government. It has neither a preface nor an epilogue and no name of any sultan is mentioned. Some historians like Md Habib have opined that it was composed after Tareekh –e Firozshahi. Barani's Fatwa-i-Jahandari provides an example of his extreme views on religion. He states that there is no difference between a Muslim king and a Hindu ruler, if the Muslim king is content in collecting jizya (poll-tax) and khiraj (tribute) from the Hindus.  Chapter 2. Tarikh-i-Feroze Shahi -is a dependable source of history from the later times of Ghiasuddin Balban to the early years of Feroze Shah Tughluq to whom the book is dedicated. It was meant to please Firoz Shah Tughlaq and regain his lost royal patronage. But it wasn’t simply meant to that end but also contained other important ideas regarding his political thinking. This way, it contains some sources of his political thought. Along with the historical accounts of the period, Barani discusses the Muslim political problems including implementation of Islamic laws in the newly established Muslim State in India. Nasihat(Advice) – This concept is very significant to understanding Barni’s thought. His political ideas are mentioned in the form of advices that the ruler has to follow in order to maintain a more just and a more fair administration. Most of his writings are in the genre of advices.