Aging as a Social Process PDF - Oxford University Press Canada

Developments in Social Gerontology since 1940 That Have Had a Major Impact on Canadian Research, Policy, and Practice 1962 The “Aging in the World” series included papers from the Fifth 1948 Founding of the Cong...

Developments in Social Gerontology since 1940 That Have Had a Major Impact on Canadian Research, Policy, and Practice 1962 The “Aging in the World” series included papers from the Fifth 1948 Founding of the Congress of the International Association of Gerontology held in 1960. International Association of These volumes, which illustrated the increasing global interest in aging and Gerontology in Liege, Belgium. the growing interdisciplinarity of the field, included the following: C. Tibbits and W. Donahue, Eds/Social and Psychological Aspects of Aging; J. Kaplan and G. Aldridge, Eds/Social Welfare of the Aging; N. Shock, Ed./Biological Aspects of Aging; H. Blumenthal, Ed./Medical and Clinical Aspects of Aging. 1940 Publication of the journal Geriatrics. 1959–60 These handbooks summarized the knowledge about a number of gerontology topics in the late 1950s: 1945 The first J. Birren, Ed./Handbook of Aging and the issue of the Journal Individual: Psychological and Biological; C. of Gerontology. Tibbitts, Ed./Handbook of Social Gerontology: Societal Aspects of Aging; E. Burgess, Ed./ Aging in Western Societies. 1953 R. Havighurst and R. Albrecht/Older People. 1940 1950 1960 1945 Establishment of the 1959 Ontario Longitudinal Study on Gerontological Society (later Aging initiated under the leadership of L. named GSA “of America”) Crawford. Followed 2000 men from 1959 to hold annual meetings to 1978, with follow-up in 1990. to promote the scientific study of aging from multi- 1959 L.D. Cain Jr., Ed./The Sociology disciplinary perspectives, and of Aging: A Trend Report and Bibliography: to stimulate communication Special Issue in Current Sociology. among scientists, researchers, teachers, and professionals. 1961 The Gerontologist: A second journal published by the Gerontological Society to focus on applied research, model programs, and policy initiatives for professionals working with and for the aged. 1948 O. Pollock/Social Adjustment in Old Age. This landmark report of the 1961 E. Cumming; W. Henry/Growing Old: US Social Sciences Research Council The Process of Disengagement. The first attempt shifted focus from problems of aging to to develop a social gerontological theory to the process of aging and led to several account for satisfaction in the later years. theoretical developments in social gerontology. 1961 First US White House Conference on Aging. These conferences are held every 10 years in the United States to draw scientists and professional workers together to make recommendations for consideration by Congress.  1970 E. Palmore/Normal Aging: Reports from 1974 National Institute on the Duke Longitudinal Studies, 1955–69. The first Aging (NIA) established in the interdisciplinary longitudinal study. United States to promote research on all facets of aging. 1974 D. Cowgill; L. Holmes/ Aging and Modernization. This book popularized modernization 1965 D. Schonfield/“Memory Changes theory to explain the changing with Age.” Article published in Nature by a status of the elderly in primitive Canadian psychologist who mentored many first- and developing societies. generation gerontologists in Canada. 1969 R. Havighurst et al./Adjustment to 1971 Manitoba Longitudinal Study on Aging initiated. Retirement: A Cross-National Study. Elderly individuals living were interviewed first in 1971 and later in 1976 and 1983. 1968 B. Neugarten, Ed./ 1971 Founding of Canadian Middle Age and Aging: A Reader Association on Gerontology. in Social Psychology. The first collection of readings on the social psychology of aging. 1965 1970 1975 1967 E. Youmans/Older 1970–72 Rural Americans. One of the First sociology of few studies to consider aging aging courses taught in a rural context. in Canada by B. Havens (University of Manitoba); B. McPherson (University of 1972 R. Atchley/ Waterloo); and V. The Social Forces in Later 1968 E. Shanas et al./Older People in Three Marshall (McMaster Life: An Introduction Industrial Societies. A cross-national comparative University). to Social Gerontology. study of the social situation of older people in The first textbook Denmark, Great Britain, and the United States. written exclusively for undergraduates in social 1968 M. Riley; A. Foner, Eds/Aging and gerontology courses. Society, Vol. 1: An Inventory of Research Findings. This landmark volume presented and interpreted the empirical findings of social 1972 M. Riley et al./ science research to this date. Aging and Society, Vol. 3: A Sociology of Age Stratification. Presents a model of aging that stresses the interaction 1969 M. Riley et al., Eds/Aging and Society, between history and Vol. 2: Aging and the Professions. A statement the social structure as of the concerns and involvement of a number of it affects various age professions in the care of older adults. cohorts.  1976–77 These handbooks represented the state of knowledge up to the mid-1970s: R. Binstock and E. Shanas, Eds/Handbook of Aging and the Social Sciences (1976); J. Birren and K. Schaie, Eds/Handbook of the Psychology of Aging (1977); C. Finch and L. Hayflick, Eds/Handbook of 1986 N. Chappell; L. Strain; A. Blandford/Aging the Biology of Aging (1977). Subsequent editions have been and Health Care: A Social published every five to seven years. Perspective. 1976 J. Schulz/The 1986 Butterworths Perspectives on Individual and Economics of Aging. Population Aging published under 1979 Research on Aging: the editorship of B. McPherson. The series, which ended in 1976 R. Butler/ A Quarterly Journal of Social 1992, published a total of 15 Why Survive? Being Gerontology first published. monographs on major aging Old in America. This topics. The first monograph was book won a Pulitzer 1979 Social Sciences and Humanities by S. McDaniel/Canada’s Aging Prize, bringing aging Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) Population (1986). Selected to the attention of Strategic Grants Committee on Population monographs are included in the media and the Aging was established to fund research this timeline; and a summary of public of all ages. and to assist in establishing aging centres developments on most of the across Canada. topics since the series ended appeared in CJA, 30 (3): 2011, 1979 Program in aging established edited by H. Northcott; M. at the University of Toronto. Rosenberg. 1975 1980 1985 1975 Association for Gerontology in Mid-1980s Higher Education (AGHE) formed to facilitate Undergraduate programs leadership development for training programs developed at McMaster that were being established in universities University, the University of and colleges. Waterloo, and St Thomas University. 1975 R. Rapaport and R. Rapaport, Eds/ Leisure and the Family Life Cycle. The first examination of leisure within the family context 1984 J. Myles/Old Age in across the life cycle. the Welfare State: The Political Economy of Public Pensions. Early development of pension issues and challenges in Canada. 1980 Gerontology Research Council of Ontario established. 1983 B. McPherson/Aging as a Social 1980 The National Advisory Council on Aging (NACA) Process: An Introduction to Individual and of Canada created to assist and advise the federal Population Aging. First Canadian text, now in government on seniors’ issues. seventh edition (2019). 1980 P. Lawton/Environment and Aging. Development of person–environment fit theory. 1982/83 Gerontology centres and programs funded by SSHRC established at Guelph, Manitoba, Simon Fraser, 1980 V. Marshall/Aging in Canada: Social Toronto, and Moncton universities. Perspective. This was the first reader presenting a collection of articles pertaining to aging and the aged in Canada. Second edition published 1987 1982 Canadian Journal on with considerably more Canadian content. Aging first published.  1995 S. Arber; J. Ginn/ 1997 E. Gee; A. Martin-Matthews, Connecting Gender and Aging: A Eds/Canadian Public Policy/Canadian Sociological Approach. Journal on Aging Joint Issue–Bridging Policy and Research on Aging. Vol. 23 (CPP)/ 1987 US Bureau of Vol. 16 (CJA). the Census/An Aging World. This is the first of 1997 E. Moore; M. Rosenberg; D. nine publications on global 1991 L. McDonald/ McGuinness/Growing Old in Canada: Demographic aging, the most recent by Elder Abuse in Canada. and Geographic Perspectives. K. Kinsella; W. He (2009). Butterworths Series. 1991 A. Martin-Matthews/ 1998 J. Giele; G. Elder/ 1987 E. Gee; M. Methods of Life Course Kimball/Women and Aging. Widowhood in Later Life. Research: Qualitative and Butterworths Series. Butterworths Series. Quantitative Approaches. Connected life-course theory 1987 W. Forbes; 1991 M. Minkler; C. Estes/ and methods. J. Jackson; A. Kraus/ Critical Perspectives on Aging: Institutionalization of The Political and Moral Economy the Elderly in Canada. of Growing Old. Development of 1999 Butterworths Series. a critical perspective in aging. R. Friedland; L. Summer/ 1987 N. Chappell; Demography Is Not L. Driedger/Aging and 1991 Canadian Study of Destiny. This was Ethnicity: Toward an Health and Aging initiated. A the first book to Interface. Butterworths ten-year study with a focus on address apocalyptic Series. dementia and its care. demography. 1990 1995 2000 1990 CARNET: The Canadian Aging Research Network established. 1999–2003 B. Spencer; F. Denton/Social and Economic Dimensions of 1990s–present an Aging Population (SEDAP), Several graduate programs Vols 1 & 2 (2005–11), a in Gerontology were MA/MSc/ multi-disciplinary SSHRC- PhD, established in a number of funded research program. Canadian universities. Supported a network of researchers from across the country to develop a series of major papers on this topic. 1988 J. Birren; V. Bengtson/ Emergent Theories of Aging. 1996 B. Spencer; F. Denton/Independence and 1988 M. Novak/Aging and Society. Economic Security of the Older Population (IESOP) Program. Led to SEDAP in 1999. 1988 Research Centre on Aging, Sherbrooke, QC, established, funded by Fonds de recherché en santé du Québec (FRSQ). 1996 D. Foot/Boom, Bust & Echo: How to Profit from the Coming Demographic Shift. First Canadian book to envisage population aging as the primary 1988 L. Plouffe; F. Béland, Eds/Canadian Journal driver of social and economic change. on Aging Special Issue—Francophone Research in Gerontology in Canada 7 (4). This was an important issue of CJA that attempted to make French-language 1996 Quebec Network for Research on gerontological research more widely known. Aging established, funded by FRSQ.  2000 Canadian Institutes of Health 2003 N. Chappell; E. Gee; L. McDonald; M. Research (CIHR) created. The Institute of Aging Stones/Aging in Contemporary Canada. Second edition (IA) was one of 13 institutes created by the 2008, without E. Gee, who died in 2002. CIHR to stimulate research on health issues related to aging. 2003 V. Marshall; W. Heinz; A. Verma/ Restructuring Work and the Life Course. 2000 E. Gee; G. Gutman/The Overselling of Population Aging: Apocalyptic Demography, Intergenerational Challenges, and Social Policy. 2003 W. Heinz; V. Marshall/ 2006 B. Mitchell/ Social Dynamics of the Life Course: First Canadian book to critique population aging Boomerang Age: Transitions Transitions, Institutions and as apocalyptic. to Adulthood in Families. Interrelations. A life-course analysis of family transitions. 2002 J. McMullin; 2004 J. McMullin/ 2006 Government V. Marshall/Workforce Understanding Social Inequality: of Canada. Healthy Aging in the New Intersections of Class, Age, Aging in Canada: A New Economy (WANE). Gender, Ethnicity, and Race Vision, a Vital Investment Project funded by in Canada. Second edition from Evidence to Action. SSHRC. One of the published 2010, third edition Provided the basis for largest funded studies 2017 (with J. Curtis). the Healthy Living and by SSHRC in aging. the Canadian Age-Friendly Community Initiatives. 2000 2005 2001 17th World Congress 2005 National Initiative of the International Association for the Care of the Elderly of Gerontology (IAG; now IAGG, (NICE). National network Geriatrics added), Vancouver, funded by the Networks of Canada. This was the first IAGG Centres of Excellence—New conference in Canada. Initiative Program. 2001 A. Martin-Matthews; F. 2005 A. Wister/Baby Béland, Eds/Canadian Journal on Boomer Health Dynamics: How Aging, Special Issue—Northern Are We Aging? First Canadian Lights: Reflections on Canadian book addressing health of the Gerontological Research, Vol. 20. baby boomers. 2001 I. Connidis/Family Ties and Aging. Developed out of the original 2005 Public Health Butterworths Series (1989). Second Agency of Canada/Report on edition published 2010. Seniors Falls in Canada. 2001 G. Kenyon/Narrative Gerontology: Theory, Research and Practice. A first Canadian examination 2007 National Seniors Council of Canada of narrative theory and analyses. established, replacing NACA. Numerous reports were produced covering several areas, 2001 Initial developmental including elder abuse, volunteerism, older workers, and social isolation. meeting of the Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging, CLSA, Alymer, QC.  2008 N. Keating/Rural Ageing: A Good 2016 Canadian Longitudinal Place to Grow Old? Developed from an original Study on Aging begins collection of Butterworths book (1991) focusing on rural first follow-up data. aging in Canada. 2016 V. Bengtson; R. Settersten, 2008 A. Martin-Matthews; J. Phillips/Aging Eds/Handbook of Theories of Aging, and Caring at the Intersection of Work and Home 3rd edn. First edition published 1999, Life: Blurring the Boundaries. second 2009. 2016 Alzheimer’s Society of Canada. 2010 Alzheimer Society of 2016. Prevalence and Monetary Costs of Canada/Rising Tide: The Impact of Dementia in Canada: Population Health Dementia on Canadian Society. Expert Panel. 2010 G. Gutman; C. Spencer/ Aging, Ageism and Abuse: Moving from Awareness to Action. 2017 CIHR funds 25 research teams with CLSA catalyst grants to develop new research networks 2011 H. Northcott; M. Rosenberg, aimed at mining the CLSA data. Eds/Canadian Journal on Aging Special Issue—Individual and 2017 21st World Congress Population Aging: Commemorating the of the International Association of Butterworths Series and the Founding Gerontology and Geriatrics; IAGG of the CJA. Many of the original topics North American Region hosted in the series are revisited. conference in San Francisco, USA. 2010 2015 2020 2009 Canadian 2015 Canadian Longitudinal Longitudinal Study on Aging Study on Aging begins collection (CLSA) launched. This will of first follow-up data. be the largest longitudinal study on aging in Canada with 50,000 participants 2015 The Canadian Age- Well Technology and Aging aged 45 and over followed Network was established under for 20 years. the Government of Canada’s Networks of Centres of Excellence program. 2012 Canadian Longitudinal Study on 2018 M. Novak; H. Northcott; Aging begins collection of baseline data. L. Campbell/Aging and Society: Canadian Perspectives, 8th edn (first 2012 The Canadian Frailty Network edition published 1988). was established under the Government of Canada’s Networks of Centres of Excellence program. 2018 Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging begins collection of second follow-up data. 2013 S. McDaniel; Z. 2019 A. Wister/Aging as a Social Process: Zimmer, Eds/Global Ageing in Canada and Beyond, 7th edn (first edition the Twenty-First Century. published 1983 by B. McPherson). Part I Interweaving Individual and Population Aging F or centuries, humans have sought ways to prolong and enhance their life. The search for a magic elixir—through healthy lifestyles, drugs, surgery, the fountain of youth— has been primarily pursued from a biological or medical perspective. Increasingly, h ­ owever, ­researchers have discovered that social aspects of aging—such as social relationships, ­culture, and environmental factors, as well as biological factors and disease states—­influence both individual and population aging in any society or community. We are transitioning into the fastest pace of population aging ever in Canada and in the world, which will require an increase in knowledge about the aging process and innovative solutions to emerging issues that can have an impact throughout the life course (note that terms in bold throughout the text are defined in the Glossary), but especially in the later years. For students, there has never been a time as exciting as this to engage in the study of aging. The journey you are about to begin by reading Aging as a Social Process: Canada and Beyond, seventh edition, will be different for each person. By acquiring knowledge, sep- arating facts from myths, and applying this information, you can enrich your own life, as well as the lives of older adults in your personal family and social networks and in society at large. Whether you are a student thinking about your future, a concerned citizen, a prac- titioner working with older adults, a person caring for an aging parent or other relative, a policy-maker, or a researcher, knowledge about individual and population aging is a lifelong pursuit and investment. Part I of this book consists of four chapters that introduce facts, trends, and ways of thinking about aging and about growing older in a global society. Chapter 1 introduces the concept of aging as a social process, distinguishes between individual and population aging and elaborates linkages between them, defines four types of aging, and identifies some major challenges and opportunities, as well as images and myths about aging in Canada. In addition, the chapter introduces arguments as to why it is important to understand aging phenomena throughout the life course from a number of disciplinary and theoretical per- spectives (see also Chapter 5). Chapter 2 illustrates the diversity in the aging process and in the status of older people across time because of cultural differences and historical events. A major change in the status of older people is alleged to have occurred as societies moved from pre-industrial to industrial to postmodern states, especially after the onset of modernization. Within a © oneinchpunch/Shutterstock.com multicultural society such as Canada, the process of aging varies within Indigenous, lan- guage, ethnic, rural, and religious subcultures. Chapter 3 briefly describes how the various physical and cognitive systems of the human organism change and adapt across the life course. The focus is on how physical and cognitive changes, which may or may not occur in all aging individuals at the same rate or to the same degree, influence the nature and frequency of social relations throughout the life course but more so in later life. Some of these natural and inevitable changes lead to a loss of independence, a lower quality of life, and a need for informal and formal support from others to complete such activities of daily living as dressing, eating, and bathing. For others, positive adaptations to these changes enable aging individuals to maximize well-being and fulfill their potential as human beings. Chapter 4 presents an overview of demographic processes and indicators that describe the size, composition, and distribution of the population by age. Demographic facts from both developed and developing countries are introduced to place the Canadian situation in a global context. Demographic processes are dynamic, and this chapter discusses the impli- cations of demographic changes over time, especially with respect to fertility, mortality, and immigration rates. The final section of the chapter examines the geographic distribution of populations by age across provincial and rural–urban boundaries and illustrates how immi- gration contributes to the diversity of Canada’s older population.  © iStock.com/bowdenimages # 1 Aging as a Social Process Learning Objectives and Key Facts By the end of this chapter, you will be able to do the following: Explain the concept of aging as a social process, including distinctions between individual and population aging. Explain why it is important to study aging and understand several major issues addressed in Aging as a Social Process (in particular stereotypes and ageism). Describe some implications of an aging population for society. Understand the life-course perspective as a principal theoretical framework to describe the aging process. Understand the development of the discipline of gerontology to help you place the knowledge into a broader perspective. continued 4 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging Key Facts In 2016, almost one in six Canadians was 65 or older (5.99 million people), representing about 16.9 per cent of the total population. There were 8230 Canadians 100 years of age or older (i.e., centenarians), according to the 2016 census. In 2016, baby boomers (born between 1946 and 1965), comprising about 27 per cent of all Canadians, began to turn 65. As a result, between 2011 and 2016, the 65 to 69 age group was growing most rapidly, followed by centenarians. Introduction: Challenges and Opportunities within an Aging World The world is growing older as the number and proportion of older people in each country in- crease. In developed countries like Canada, this growth has occurred over the past 50 years as fertility rates decreased after the baby boom of 1946–65, while mortality rates have ­gradually declined. The boomers comprise 27 per cent of the total Canadian p ­ opulation— about 10 million individuals in 2016 compressed into the relatively narrow age range of 51 to 70. As additional cohorts of the baby boomers turn 65 and beyond, the proportion of persons 65 and over in the population will grow significantly. This growth is expected to level off after 2031 when baby boomers reach advanced age and their numbers begin to shrink. However, aging-related issues will continue beyond this point, since the back end of the baby boom generation will be experiencing many heightened aging-related issues as they move into their seventies, eighties, nineties, and beyond, well into the current century. In developing countries, much of the increase in population aging will occur over the next 25 to 40 years as fertility rates decline and sanitation and public health improve. That is, with fewer births, older people begin to comprise a larger proportion of the total population, and with improved sanitation and public health, people will live longer, also increasing the proportion of the population that is older. Population aging in these countries will occur at a faster pace than in more developed countries because of more rapid drops in fertility and mortality rates. This global phenomenon, known as population aging, is illustrated by the following facts or projections (He et al. 2016). In 2015, 8.5 per cent of the world’s population was 65 years of age or older, esti- mated at 617 million individuals. By 2050, there will be approximately 1.6 billion persons 65 and older, representing about one in six people in the world, or 16.7 per cent. In developed or modernized countries, 16.5 per cent of the population is 65 or over (He et al. 2016). In some of these countries, the proportion is projected to reach one in four, one in three, or even one in two during the next 35 years. In comparison, only about 7 per cent of the population in the less-developed nations is 65 and over. However, this percentage will rise quickly over the next several decades. In terms of total numbers, about three-quarters of the world’s older population lives in developing countries, given their large populations.  1 | Aging as a Social Process 5 In 2016, 8230 Canadians were 100 years of age or older—an increase of 41.3 per cent since 2011—compared to more than 60,000 centenarians in Japan, the country with the highest life expectancy. We live not only in an aging world but in a society in which older citizens are healthier and more active. As individuals and as a society, we cannot ignore the challenges of population aging and the needs of older adults. Understanding and developing a society for all ages is essential. The effects of population aging permeate all spheres of social life: work, the family, leisure, politics, public policy, the economy, health care, housing, and transportation. Consequently, both challenges and opportunities exist for aging individuals, as well as for family members, politicians, employers and employees, health and social ser- vices personnel, and public policy–makers. Indeed, aging issues are linked to many of the well-known challenges facing societies, including gender and LGBTQ21 (also termed LGBTQ) inequality, intergenerational family relations, retirement and economic security, disability, universal access to health care, and social assistance in later life, to name but a few. We do not age in a vacuum. Rather, individually and collectively (as a family, c­ ommunity, or society), we live in a social world. In our lifelong journey, we interact with other ­individuals and age cohorts across time and within a unique culture, social system, and community. Just as individuals change as they grow older, so do social institutions—such as the family, the health-care system, the labour force, the economy, and the educational system. In short, we do not age alone, nor do we have total freedom in selecting our lifestyle or life course. There is constant interplay among individuals and various social processes and social Highlight 1.1 Why Should We Study Aging and Older Adults? To understand diversity in aging experiences and to situate your own life with those around you. To challenge, refute, and eliminate myths about aging and older people. To assist and support older family members as they move through the later stages of life. To serve as an informed and effective volunteer in your community while assisting older adults. To prepare for a job or career (as a practitioner, policy-maker, or researcher) in which the mandate is to address aging issues or to serve an older population. To identify and understand significant changes in patterns of aging and in the age structure. To understand intergenerational relations and the status of older adults in a multi- cultural society. To critically evaluate policies and practices for an aging population and to identify where and why the needs of older adults, especially those who are most vulnerable, are not being met. To understand aging and older people from an interdisciplinary ­perspective—their potential, their competencies, their history, and the complex interactions of physical, social, and cognitive elements. To help Canada become a healthy and active older society. 6 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging institutions across the life course (Mitchell 2003; Dannefer and ­Settersten Jr. 2010; Komp and Johansson 2015). To illustrate, the state of our health at any stage in life is linked to early life experiences; lifelong personal decisions about diet and lifestyle; the cost, quality, and availability of food; and the quality of care provided by the informal and formal support systems and by the multiple components of the health-care system. It was C. Wright Mills (1959), a well-known sociologist, who first stressed that we must understand and a­ ppreciate how and why the “private troubles” or personal ­experiences of ­individuals interact with the “public issues,” or public responsibilities, of a society—at the local, regional, national, and global level. This dialectical private–public debate and process of inquiry pervades the study of individual and population aging, and it should be on the agenda whenever policies or programs for older adults are being debated. Highlight 1.1 summarizes why the study of aging processes and the social world of older adults is i­ mportant—to you personally, to your family, and to your community and the larger society. Population Aging: Adding Years to Life Throughout history, humans have been preoccupied with searching for a fountain of youth, for ways to look younger in later life, and for ways to prolong life (Gruman 2003; Fishman et al. 2008). However, it was not until the twentieth century that enormous gains in longevity were achieved, as evidenced by an increase in the average and maximum lifespan of humans, in the average life expectancy at birth, and in the number of centenarians—those who reach 100 years of age and beyond. While each centenarian has a different life history, their lon- gevity, in general, can be attributed to some combination of genetics, environmental factors, diet, and lifestyle choices. Lifespan is the fixed, finite maximum limit of survival for a species (about 20 years for dogs, about 85 for elephants, and about 120 for humans). The longest-living human with a verified birth certificate was Madame Jeanne Calment, who was born in 1875 in Arles, France—before films, cars, or airplanes had been invented. She died at the age of 122 in 1997. Today, the oldest living woman and man are about 116 and 112 years of age, respectively, living in Italy and Israel. The oldest living Canadian in 2016 was a woman aged 111, but the oldest Canadian in recorded history lived until 117 in Quebec. The maximum lifespan for humans is unlikely to increase to any great extent in the immediate future because there are natural limits that are embedded in genetic, lifestyle, and environmental factors that cannot be easily altered. Life expectancy is the average number of years a person is projected to live at birth or at a specific age (such as 65). Average life expectancy has increased in the past 60 years and will continue to increase, although more in developing nations where life expectancy is still quite low because of high infant mortality rates, AIDS, and poor living conditions. In the early 1800s, average life expectancy in Canada was about 40 years; by the late 1800s, it had reached about 50 to 55; and by the late 1900s, it was 75 to 80. Life expectancy in China and Vietnam was about 40 years in the 1950s versus 70 years in Sweden; today, life expect- ancy has increased to 75 years in China and 73 in Vietnam but only to about 82 in Sweden (Population Reference Bureau 2015). These dramatic increases are part of an evolving demo- graphic and health transition in which there are fewer deaths at birth and in infancy, and more individuals reaching advanced age. Not surprisingly, these gains in life expectancy have stimulated dreams of even longer lives but without all the physical changes that occur with age. To satisfy these wishes, entrepreneurs market anti-aging products that claim to  1 | Aging as a Social Process 7 slow, stop, or reverse the physical process of aging (Fishman et al. 2008). However, there is little or no scientific evidence for the majority of such claims; indeed, some of the products or treatments (such as drugs or cosmetic surgery) have serious risks associated with their use (Mehlman et al. 2004). Life expectancy varies by gender, culture, geographic region, ethnicity, race, education, personal habits (such as diet, exercise, smoking, and drinking), and birth cohort. Based on 2007 to 2009 data, the average life expectancy at birth for Canadian women was 83 years; and for men, 79 years (Statistics Canada 2012). But among Indigenous Peoples of Canada (refer- ring to First Nations, Inuit, and Métis groups), life expectancy is lower—about 78 years for women and 73 for men (see full discussion in Chapter 2). And because of the diversity of gen- etic, environmental, and lifestyle factors, some Canadians will die before reaching the average life expectancy for their group, and few will ever approach the theoretical maximum lifespan. Increased life expectancy (i.e., lower mortality) is only part of the reason that the pro- portion of older people in a society increases. The most important factor is a significant decline in the fertility rate, which has the most direct and largest effect in shaping the age structure. For instance, the large baby boom generation was the result of increased fertility rates occurring after the Second World War. In 2015, Canada’s birth rate was about 11 ­infants per 1000 population, down from a high of 26.9 per 1000 in 1946 when the baby boom started (Population Reference Bureau 2015). Figure 1.1 shows the actual and projected growth in Canada’s older population from 1921 to 2041. As the baby boomers age, the population of those 65 and older is projected to reach about seven million in 2021 and nine million in 2041 (almost one in four Canadians). Population aging began in Canada after the end of the baby boom period (1946–65) when a “baby bust” period (from about 1966 to 1980) began. During this period, women had fewer than two children on average, and the first pregnancy was often delayed until a woman was in her mid- to late thirties (McDaniel 1986, 96). This “baby bust” period was followed 85+ 75–84 65–74 25 20 Percentage 15 10 5 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011 2021 2031 2041 Year Figure 1.1 Canada’s Aging Population, 1921–2041 Source: Public Health Agency of Canada, Canada’s Aging Population (2002). Reproduced with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2013. 8 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging Highlight 1.2 Journalistic Views of Population Aging Raise Seniors’ Taxes* Ottawa should hit older people and their estates with new taxes to pay down the national debt, says a top tax lawyer. Seniors have benefited from a lifetime of economic growth boosted by government spending, and it is now time for them to pay the country back.... The $500-billion federal debt “belongs” to older Canadians, but younger generations are being asked to pay for it. (Toronto Star, 11 November 1994) When a Stagnant Health System Meets an Aging Population, Disaster Awaits Canada’s “silver tsunami”—the massive wave of people who will turn 65 in the next 15 years— hasn’t made landfall yet but is already causing grief. (Globe Editorial, The Globe and Mail, 16 January 2015) The Boomer Shift: As the Baby Boomers Retire, the Threat of Intergenerational Inequality Looms Here in Canada, the exit of the boomers from the labour force is already setting off a chain reaction of slower growth, low interest rates, weaker investment returns, a budget squeeze for governments and growing intergenerational tensions. (Barrie McKenna, The Globe and Mail, 6 November 2015) Canada’s Looming Pension Wars: Boomers Are Only Now Starting to Take Stock of Retirement and Many Don’t Like What They See With the first wave of Baby Boomers heading into retirement, Canadians are only now starting to take stock of what kind of lifestyle they can afford with their savings. Many worry by a small “baby boom echo” from about 1980 until the mid-1990s. However, the number of “echo” births was only about 30 per cent of the number in the original baby boom. Since the mid-1990s, fertility rates have fallen further to about 1.6 children per woman, but has stabil- ized near that level over the last decade. This low fertility rate is below the “replacement rate” of at least two children per woman that is needed to replenish the population when normal fertility and mortality rates prevail. However, some of this population decrease is offset by immigrants arriving in Canada, which results in modest positive population growth. Public discourse by some politicians, media personnel, and educational environments claim that this rapid aging of the population will weaken the viability of the Canada Pen- sion Plan, the Canadian economy, and the health-care system; that it will cause an enor- mous demand for long-term care and social support of older adults; and that it may lead to intergenerational inequities and/or conflict. Indeed, some consider population aging, and particularly the aging baby boomers, an impending crisis for our society. At the turn of the millennium, Ken Dychtwald, an influential futurist in the US, contended that American baby  1 | Aging as a Social Process 9 that the grumblings of pension envy today will eventually explode in a full-blown crisis as young workers, saddled with student debt, mortgages and stagnant incomes, age into retirement. (Tamsin McMahon and Ken MacQueen, Maclean’s Magazine, 3 June 2014) Rising Prevalence of Dementia Will Cripple Canadian Families, the Health-Care System and Economy A report released by the Alzheimer Society today to mark Alzheimer Awareness Month ­reveals alarming new statistics about the projected economic and social costs of dementia in Canada. (Alzheimer Society of Canada, The Medical News, News medical.net, 4 January 2010. Retrieved from www.news-medical.net/news/20100104/Rising-prevalence-of-dementia-will-cripple-Canadian-families-the-health-care-system-and-economy.aspx) Canadians Ill-Prepared for the Inevitable The strain this lack of preparedness puts on family members at one end of the patient-care spectrum and medical professionals on the other could become intolerable in Canada. (Editorial, The Gazette, Montreal, 23 July 2010) It is argued that the very old (typically women) who enter hospitals do so with multiple chronic conditions that cannot be cured. This leads to wasted health-care dollars on these “bed blockers.” (M. Wente article, The Globe and Mail, Thursday, 11 November 2010) *Source: Reprinted with permission from Gee and Gutmann 2000, 6–7, with additions by authors. boomers will face a pandemic of chronic disease and mass dementia, a caregiving crunch, conflict with other generations, and inadequate pensions, among other crises. He stated, “When I look into the future, I see a number of train wrecks about to happen—all of which are preventable, but only if we fully understand the relationship between our current deci- sions and their future outcomes and only if we initiate corrective action now” (Dychtwald 1997, 11). His views were based on selected demographic and social “facts” and tended to be exaggerations that instilled fear in society. Thus far, his predictions have not been borne out in reality. Highlight 1.2 features newspaper headlines and comments showing that these views continue to reappear whenever new statistics indicate an increase in population aging, a rise in public debt, or a perceived crisis in the social welfare or health-care systems. Fears about population aging can interfere with rational policy-making by ­focusing only on sheer numbers instead of taking into consideration other important social c­ hanges (Cheal 2003a). For instance, more careful and detailed analysis has demonstrated that with health promotion and health-care improvements, increased savings and private investments, 10 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging higher levels of education, and creative and timely policy planning, an older population will not be a drain on societal resources. Indeed, healthier, better-educated, and more active older people are an untapped societal resource who can serve as volunteers, caregivers, or paid workers when the labour force shrinks (Gee 2000; Cheal 2003b; Fast et al. 2006; ­Gottlieb and Gillespie 2008; Morrow-Howell 2010). This labelling of older people as a burden to society has been called “apocalyptic,” “cat- astrophic,” or “voodoo” demography, which results from a process of exaggerating or mis- interpreting population statistics. Gee (2000, 5) describes apocalyptic demography as “an ideology... a set of beliefs that justifies (or rationalizes) action... wherein the beliefs converge on the idea that an aging population has negative implications for societal ­resources—which get funneled to the sick, the old, and the retired at the expense of the healthy, the young, and the working.” This way of thinking has been influenced by public policies designed for hypothetical average or typical people and by simplistic projections of the number of people who must be supported by public funds in the future. The media and policy-makers, faced with an increasing number of older people, ask such questions as the following: Will there be sufficient funds in the public pension system when future cohorts reach 65, or will the C/QPP (Canada/Quebec Pension Plan) become bankrupt while supporting the large baby boom generation that will retire in significant numbers over the next 15 to 20 years? As longevity increases in society, will hospitals disproportionately serve frail older people and make it difficult for those in other age groups to receive hospital treatment? Will the number and proportion of individuals with Alzheimer’s disease due to population aging create an economic and social crisis? Who will provide home care and social support to the large number of aging people, especially with a decline in fertility, more dual-career families, and an increase in older people experiencing singlehood and divorce? Will conflict emerge between younger and older generations over what are per- ceived to be intergenerational inequities favouring older people? Will an older society become economically stagnant as the baby boomers move out of the labour force? Will baby boomers place greater demands than earlier generations on the health- care system? How will Canada provide a dignified and effective “end-of-life” for elderly ­Canadians who need medical and social support in their dying days or weeks? Some of these apocalyptic fears are magnified when there is a global or national economic r­ ecession or instability in global markets, and high government debt. These economic c­ onditions, combined with projections of exponential increases in per capita costs for e­ conomic, health, and social support services, encourage governments to propose reducing economic support for older people. Governments also employ these arguments as they a­ ttempt to download more of these costs to lower levels of government or to individuals and families. To ­illustrate, in the past decade when governments were faced with an increasing public debt, they built fewer long- term-care facilities and reduced the operating budgets of existing f­acilities, thereby forcing seniors and their families to be involved, at greater personal and ­financial cost, in the long- term care of aging individuals. Furthermore, in lieu of ­significantly expanding the number of more costly institutional or facility beds, many provinces have opted to build or foster the  1 | Aging as a Social Process 11 development of public and private assisted or supportive housing c­ omplexes that provide only a lower level of care (e.g., home support, congregate meals, security, etc.) for older adults who can manage to live semi-independently. ­However, these ­arrangements, which can only ­provide community-based service supports, are often ­temporary because of the changing health needs of this population and place greater ­demands on families to p ­ rovide ­supplementary support, and financial demands on individuals to pay or co-pay for these ­services, unless the services are subsidized for those who are poor (see ­chapters 7, 8 and 12). This issue of public support for older Canadians is a classic example of the debate proposed by Mills (1959) as to whether support in a welfare state should be a “public ­responsibility” of the state or a “personal ­responsibility” of the individual and the family. Despite questions about the sustainability of Canada’s universal pension and health-care systems, there is increasing evidence that the significant growth in population aging over the next 30 to 40 years will not bankrupt the pension system, will not be a major contributor to escalating health-care costs, and will not cause intergenerational conflict (Gee 2000; Hébert 2011; Myles 2002; Cheal 2003a, 2003b; Chappell and Hollander 2011; Wister 2011; Wister and Speechley 2015). In the health-care domain, Hébert (2011) argues that the disproportionate use of health ser- vices by older adults in the future will not be a problem. He stresses that the demand for services will not be as high as projected, that there will be improved efficiencies in the health-care system, and that there will be greater use of home-care services to offset the need for costly hospital and residential care. However, the aging of the baby boomers, coupled with increasing longevity of Canadians, will necessitate significant investment by governments to make the health and community care systems more innovative, efficient, and effective (Wister and Speechley 2015). Consequently, despite periodic fear-mongering by politicians and the media, we should not fear population aging or view it as a crisis. Instead, we should look at population aging as a significant but manageable challenge. This will be especially true when baby boomers retire, since the sheer size of this cohort will require reallocation of health and social ­resources. But members of this generation will spend their retirement years in better ­f unctional health with more education and economic resources, and they will be more physically and s­ ocially active than previous cohorts of older adults. Moreover, as they have done for most of their adult lives, they will continue to spend their wealth on leisure, travel, and health-care products. As Gee (2000) and others (Friedland and Summer 1999; Longino 2005) have concluded, ­“ demography is not destiny.” Changes in the age structure can be managed by policies, programs, and changes within social institutions; however, these changes require careful planning and considerable effort by both the public and private sectors, as well as by aging individuals and their families. More will be said about these institutional changes and public policies in later chapters. Individual Aging: Adding Life to Years Scholars and policy-makers at one time focused mainly on the biomedical and biological (Kaeberlein and Martin 2011) aspects of aging that caused illness, frailty, dependence, and death in later life. Today, individual aging is viewed as the interaction of interrelated biological, clinical, psychosocial, and societal factors that affect aging over the life course and that may manifest themselves differently among tomorrow’s older adults (Raina et al. 2009). We experience biological aging at different rates and with varying degrees of disease states. These changes often occur dynamically within social, cognitive, and environmental 12 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging contexts that influence our life chances and lifestyle, including our degree of independence. For instance, depending on when we were born, whether we are female or male, and where we live out our lives, our health, lifestyle choices, and life chances as we age will be affected by unique social conditions and social change. Events such as economic depressions, natural catastrophes, wars, baby booms, technological revolutions, or social movements mould the life trajectories or pathways of individuals or age cohorts. The impact of these events on a given individual or age cohort usually depends on the chronological age or stage in life when the event is experienced. To understand aging individuals and older age cohorts, a historical, dynamic, and ­developmental perspective is required. These criteria are met by the life-course perspective, which examines the interplay among individual life stories, our social system and institu- tions, and environments, and also looks at the effect of specific historical events at particular times in the life course of individuals or age cohorts. Through this approach, we understand how the problems, advantages, disadvantages, needs, and lifestyles of later life are shaped by earlier life transitions, decisions, opportunities, and experiences within specific historical or cultural contexts (Dannefer 2003; Settersten 2005; Dannefer and Settersten 2010; Marshall and McMullin 2010; Grenier 2012). Individuals are connected to one another because of the timing, direction, and context of their trajectories or pathways—what has been called “linked lives” (see Chapter 5). The life-course perspective provides a framework for under- standing age-related transitions that begin with birth and entry into the school system and conclude with retirement, widowhood, and death in later life. This perspective reflects the heterogeneous, fluid, and interrelated nature of life transitions. It also recognizes that tran- sitions can be reversible. For instance, an individual who retires from one employer may decide to re-enter the paid workforce after a period of time, or a person who is divorced or widowed may remarry, even in later life. The life-course construct also enables us to observe and analyze how different indi- vidual or societal events create variations in the aging process within and between cohorts and individuals. Some events (a social movement, an economic depression, an epidemic, or technological change) will have an impact on some age cohorts but not on others or on only specific individuals within an age cohort. For example, the feminist movement that started in the 1970s has had a profound influence on the life course of women born just before and after the 1970s. But in general, the feminist movement has had only a modest influence on most women who are now in the later stages of life (80 and older). Figure 1.2 illustrates the cohort effects of being at a particular stage in life at a particular time in history. For example, during the late 1990s, a period of economic restructuring and high unemployment in Canada, members of cohort A, born in the early 1940s, were probably at the “empty-nest” stage and within 5 to 10 years of retirement. Many were likely coping well with the prevailing social and economic conditions, assuming they did not lose their job to downsizing by their employer. By the time the 2008 economic recession hit, they were probably retired. In contrast, some members of cohort B, born in the early 1970s, experienced unemployment or underemployment in early adulthood, and many delayed getting mar- ried and buying a house. They would have been mid-career by the time the 2008 economic downturn occurred, and many of them would likely have felt the effects in terms of declining investments and savings, job loss, and job stress. Cohort C, born in the early 1990s, entered the workforce (often only as part-time employees or in minimum-wage positions) or post-­ secondary institutions during the early 2010s at a time when there was a significant downturn in the economy, and many needed to work part-time in order to cover increasing educational  1 | Aging as a Social Process 13 costs. Today cohort C are challenged by a highly competitive labour market, higher housing and living costs, and uncertainty over the future outlook of the economy. Thus, past and cur- rent social conditions, as well as life histories, can have an impact on different age cohorts. Some of these factors have an influence on most members of an age cohort throughout their lives (e.g., cohort B in the example above); others are affected at only certain periods of their lives. Or an event may have an effect only on some segments of a birth cohort (depending on attributes such as social class, gender, education, race, ethnicity, or geographical location). At the societal level, your life course will be different from that of younger and older age cohorts and from others of about the same age in other countries and perhaps even in other parts of Canada. Such differences result from cultural, regional, economic, or political varia- tions in opportunities, lifestyles, values, or beliefs. The events a person experiences through- out the life course will vary as well because of particular social or political events that affect some but not all individuals or age cohorts. The study of aging as a social process seeks to identify patterns in life-course trajectories and link them to their causes and consequences. Personal biographies interact with structural, cultural, and historical factors to influ- ence how we age across the life course. Thus, we need to understand why there is diversity in aging among individuals in the same birth cohort (all those born in the same year) and in different birth cohorts (those born at different points in history—you, your parents, your grandparents). Much of this diversity arises because of where an individual or a cohort is located in the social structure. Social structure pertains to those elements of social life and society that constrain, promote, and shape human behaviour. Whether based on gender, age, class, or ethnicity, social structure creates or limits life-course opportunities and leads to common ways of ­behaving and acting among segments of the population (Giddens 1984). The structural elements provide a set of guidelines or expectations concerning behaviour, and they may set limits on life chances and lifestyles. People’s everyday actions reinforce and reproduce a set of ­expectations—the social forces and social structures that guide our daily lives. These elements, or rules of social order, can be changed—and are changed when people C Elementary University or school and labour-force high school entry Mid-career Elementary University or B Empty school and labour-force Cohort high school entry Mid-career nest Retirement Elementary University or A school and labour-force Empty high school entry Mid-career nest Retirement 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 Year Figure 1.2 Cohort Differences and the Aging Process 14 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging ignore them, replace them, or reproduce them in different forms across their life course. These structural factors interact and become cumulative as we age, often leading to extreme ­differences in the quality of life among older adults. For example, in later life there can be a cumulative ­advantage or disadvantage associated with income and poverty across the life course (O’Rand and Bostic 2016). For instance, a single mother in middle age can become a single individual living in poverty in her elder years. While living within a social structure, we are not merely reactive puppets to social forces around us. Individuals in similar situations can act in different ways and make d ­ ifferent ­decisions. Within the life-course perspective, this process is known as agency. Glen Elder, a pioneer in the study of the life course, argues that agency is a “principle,” one of five ­defining principles of the life course (Elder and Johnson 2003, 57–71). These principles are described in Chapter 5. Elder defined agency as a process in which individuals construct their life course by making choices and taking actions. These intentional choices and actions are strongly ­influenced by the constraints and opportunities of social structures, by personal history and past experiences, and by significant others in our daily lives (Bengtson and Settersten 2016). M ­ arshall (2000, 11) states that agency refers to the human capacity “to act intentionally, ­planfully and reflexively, and in a temporal or biographical mode throughout the life course.” ­Marshall (2000, 9–10) also stresses the personal responsibility that we inherit to invoke agency: Agency has been seen as the production of a life. The agent is the producer; human development (the lived life, the narrative) is produced by agency... people not only react but act and, in acting, produce their biographical selves... agency refers to a culturally legitimated responsibility to act—on behalf of others, of organizations or ideas, or of one’s own self. Through agency we create unique identities, develop personal meanings and expect- ations and decide which social groups are significant in our lives (Hitlin and Kwon 2016). Considerable variations in lifestyles, experiences, and quality of life evolve within differ- ent age cohorts in the older population. Consequently, Canada’s population of older adults is a diverse group that, as we will see throughout the book, varies by chronological age, gender, sexual orientation, culture, wealth and social status, health status, type and place of residence, and living arrangements. Treating older adults as a homogeneous group with common needs, interests, and experiences can lead to ineffective policies and programs. Some older adults are poor, and some are wealthy; some live alone, and some live with a partner; some live in urban areas and some in rural or remote communities; some are active, mobile, and independent, and some are sedentary, disabled, frail, and dependent; some are a visible-minority or racialized group, and some are not; and most fall somewhere in between these extremes. Chapter 6 elaborates further on the relationship between the social structure and individual aging, and Chapter 8 explores the relationship between the individual and his or her lived environment (the search for person–environment “fit”), while Chapter 12 addresses policy issues for a diverse aging population. Interacting Aging Processes Although there are a number of separate aging processes, they do interact. For example, a decline in vision (a biological change) may lead to an inability to read or drive a car, thereby restricting a person’s mobility, independence, and social interaction. Similarly, mandatory  1 | Aging as a Social Process 15 retirement (a social act) may have positive or negative psychological, economic, and/or social outcomes for individuals and for a society. Furthermore, there is variation within and among individuals in the onset and speed of aging among the various processes, which are introduced under separate headings below. Chronological Aging The passage of calendar time from one birthday to the next represents chronological aging. Our age in years determines our rights (often through legislation) and influences the way we live. Chronological age serves as an approximate indicator of physical growth and decline, social and emotional development, and expected patterns of social interaction. However, chronological age can be deceiving. A 60-year-old with facial features more like those of a 70-year-old may behave and dress more like a 40-year-old. Some may consider this person to be “old” for his or her age, while others may consider him or her to be “immature.” S­ imilarly, a person who appears “middle-aged” from his or her physical appearance may actually be much older and exhibit attitudes or behaviours that are more consistent with much older adults. The social meaning or value attached to a specific chronological age is fluid over time; for instance, as the baby boomers move into their “senior” years, chronological age markers are being redefined. Chronological age defines “legal” age and thereby provides social order and control in a society, although it can sometimes cause conflict between generations when special b ­ enefits and privileges (discounts, free drugs) are provided to those at or beyond a specified age. ­However, legal definitions based on years since birth may be necessary for the ­enactment of a particular policy—for instance, mandatory testing of driving ability at age 80 and beyond. Laws or regulations based on a specific chronological age—for example, the age we enter school or are eligible to drive a car, vote, purchase or consume alcohol or marijuana, or retire—are established according to what was considered the best, or “normal,” ­chronological age for the specific event at the time the law was passed. For example, legislation ­requiring individuals to retire at age 65 was originally passed at the beginning of the ­previous c­ entury when life expectancy was considerably lower. Age is used in law to assign advantages and benefits or to impose obligations or restrictions (Law Commission of Canada 2004; Kapp 2006). These can also vary across province, country, and even ­occupational sector, and are often contentious. For example, mandatory retirement for pilots is dependent on the airline company’s home country/region and may fall between 60 and 70 years of age. For pilots flying for Air Canada, the stipulation of mandatory retirement for pilots at age 60 under their collective agreement has been recently removed by the Canada Human Rights ­Tribunal, thus eliminating a mandatory age of retirement. Sometimes legal age is based on the best available knowledge about capacity or poten- tial at a specific age or on chronological age norms—how most individuals behave in a given situation or perform a particular task at a specific age. Or legal age may be influenced by functional age—how well an individual performs specific physical, cognitive, or social tasks (e.g., driving a car after 80 years of age). Or a law based on age may be established according to what is considered, at least by some, to be best for the society (e.g., mandatory retirement). Functional age is often a more useful guideline than chronological age. It is based on the fact that aging is a multi-faceted, diverse process in which individuals at a specific chrono- logical age are either “older” or “younger” than age peers in terms of some relevant skill or 16 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging ability. For example, the right to continue working might be based on a person’s ability to work effectively and efficiently, rather than on a specific age cut-off. But how we objectively measure physical and cognitive abilities is a difficult and so far unsolvable problem. Hence, functional age, as fair as it seems, has not received much support from employers, unions, or policy-makers. Some have argued that the traditional marker for “old age,” 65 years, should be revised upward because of gains in both life expectancy and disability-free life e­ xpectancy (Denton and Spencer 2002). This has occurred in the United States, where the eligibility for full social security pension benefits is being increased gradually (through to 2027) from 65 to 67 years of age for those born after 1966. In Sweden, eligibility for pension benefits is ­indexed to gains in life expectancy. Others contend that flexibility is needed in accessing public pensions in order to reflect the diversity in working conditions experienced by older baby boomers, especially women (Moen 2016). Biological Aging Internal and external biological changes influence behaviour, longevity, and one’s q ­ uality of life. Biological aging includes genetic and environmentally induced changes in the ­cellular, muscular, skeletal, reproductive, neural, cardiovascular, and sensory systems. The rate and occurrence of biological changes influence the number of years a person is likely to ­survive and the extent to which he or she is likely to experience illness or d ­ isability, i­ncluding the onset of dementia. These changes and their accompanying adaptations i­nteract with the social and psychological processes of aging. For example, visible ­changes, such as ­greying of the hair, wrinkling of the skin, and reduced physical stature i­nfluence whether we are viewed by others to be young, middle-aged, or elderly. Similarly, our ­lifestyle, ­including the amount of stress or depression we experience, can slow down or a­ ccelerate the biological processes of aging. Although a detailed discussion of biological aging is beyond the scope of this book (see Timiras 2002; Tollefsbol 2010; Kaeberlein and Martin 2011), we should not ignore the effect of such changes when studying aging as a social process. In Chapter 3, we examine the influence of physical and cognitive changes on social behaviour and social interactions. Psychological Aging Changes in learning ability, memory, and creativity occur across the life course (Craik and Bialystok 2006; Schaie and Willis 2015). Psychological aging involves the ­interaction of individual cognitive and behavioural changes with social and environmental factors, such as the loss of a spouse or a change in housing that affects our psychological state. A ­decline in memory or attention span can reduce or eliminate a lifelong interest in reading or learning. This in turn changes an individual’s leisure habits and may lead to ­boredom, ­depression, and a deteriorating quality of life. Similarly, a stressful life event, such as ­d ivorce, the death of a spouse, or a serious health problem, alters the emotional, behavioural, and cognitive processes of an individual at any chronological age. Adapting to stresses often depends not only on personal psychological capacities but also on the amount and type of social support and assistance received from the family and others in the community. Psychological aging is influenced as well by cultural differences, such as whether or not older people are valued. Chapter 3 describes some of the cognitive and personality changes associated with aging.  1 | Aging as a Social Process 17 Social Aging Social aging is more diverse than biological or psychological aging within and across ­societies and cultures and across time. Thus, an identical twin separated at birth from a sibling and raised in a different family and community would exhibit behaviour, values, and beliefs that were more similar to age peers in his or her own social world than to those of the sibling. Patterns of social interaction across the life course are learned within a social struc- ture, whether it be the nuclear family, the workplace, the local community, or Canada as a whole. The age structure of a society is stratified like a ladder. While earlier societies included only a few strata (childhood, adulthood, and old age), modern societies involve many age strata—infancy, early childhood, preadolescence, adolescence, young adulthood, middle age, early late life, and very late life. The behaviour and status of the members of each stratum are influenced, at least partially, by the rights and responsibilities assigned on the basis of age or age group and by attitudes toward specific age groups as defined by that society. In some societies, for example, older people are highly valued; in others, they are considered less attractive and are therefore less valued than younger people. In the latter society, being defined as “old” often means that one is marginalized and stigmatized (see Chapter 2). Within each culture, social timetables define the approximate or ideal chronological age when we “should” or “must” enter or leave various social positions. Some of these transi- tions involve institutionalized rites of passage, such as a bar mitzvah, a twenty-first birthday party, a graduation from university, a wedding, or a retirement party. Within an age cohort, the meaning and significance attached to a rite of passage or to a particular age status also varies by social status. For example, marriage early in her twenties for a woman without much formal education may be considered more “on time” than it would be for a woman of the same age with a university degree because of class-based norms or values about the right age for women to marry. The meanings attached to membership in an age stratum or to specific events change as a society changes. For example, some people in your grandparents’ generation may have believed that a woman who was not married by her mid-twenties was, or would become, an “old maid.” Today, a single woman in her early or mid-thirties may be viewed as independent, “liberated,” and modern. She may be praised for not rushing into an early marriage and for pursuing a career. These variations in social values illustrate why chronological age is a poor indicator of the needs, capabilities, and interests of adults across the life course. Increasingly, the time when major life events take place is no longer dictated by chronological age. For ­example, women may give birth for the first time in their teens or in their early forties; parents may become grandparents as early as age 30 or as late as 70; and marriages take place at all chronological ages, including a first marriage or a remarriage for those in their sixties, ­seventies, and eighties. No cohort ages alone. Aging involves interaction among cohorts and cohort succes- sion. Each cohort is integrally linked to others through social interaction in family, work, or leisure settings. These inter-cohort relations have the potential to create both co-operation and conflict between generations (O’Rand and Bostic 2016). This is especially true if social differences in a society create age strata with higher or lower status and therefore greater or lesser power. In societies where older people are highly valued, intergenerational relations are generally positive, and each cohort moves from one age stratum to the next with little 18 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging or no conflict. In contrast, in societies where youth is valued more highly than old age or where elderly people are marginalized, intergenerational rivalry and conflict are more likely. In such societies, elderly people often resent the loss of the status and power they once held. It was this resentment and concern that launched the “grey power” movement in the 1970s and an awareness of growing generational inequities in the 1980s and 1990s (Bengtson and Achenbaum 1993). More recently, the pendulum has swung in the other direction, with younger generations concerned that the high cost of housing places them at a disadvantage, whereas it has benefited the older generations who mostly own homes with significant equity. The Social World of Aging Historical, Cultural, and Structural Dimensions of Aging Aging and the status of older people in everyday life are linked to the period of history in which we live and to the culture and social structure of the society or communities where we are born and live out our lives. Our place in history and our culture influence the type and quality of life we experience, as Chapter 2 illustrates in more detail. For now, think of the differences in how we might age or spend later life if we lived at a time when we either did or did not experience or have access to drugs (for cancer, heart disease, or AIDS) and such medical devices as pacemakers and artificial hips and knees; to mandatory retirement and a universal pension system; to nursing and retirement homes; to technological devices, such as computers, smartphones, smart home systems, and microwave ovens; and to subsidies for older adults for transportation, home care, or long-term care. As you consider aging issues, think about history and culture globally and locally to understand fully the circumstances in which older adults in a particular society and as a member of a specific cohort spent their earlier and later years. Culture, the way of life passed from generation to generation, varies within societies and changes across time in a society. Our culture creates ideas, beliefs, norms, values, and attitudes that shape our thinking and behaviour about aging and about being old. Thus, to understand the lifestyles of individuals as they age and the views of a soci- ety about aging, one needs to consider the cultural elements prevailing at a particular period in history and the changes that occur in cultural values and meanings across generations. Diversity in aging experiences and the considerable heterogeneity among those in older age cohorts occur because of both cultural and social differentiation in the social structure of a community or society. Social stratification is a process by which social attributes (age, gender, social class, religion, race, and ethnicity) are evaluated and acted upon differentially by a significant proportion of societal members. In North America, for example, individuals are generally evaluated more highly if they are young rather than elderly, and white rather than a member of a visible-minority group, heterosexual rather than a member of an LGBTQ community. These evaluations of social attributes influence our identity, life chances, and lifestyle throughout our lives and can foster social inequalities. To illustrate, we live in a “gen- dered” society. Gender distinctions are socially constructed so that women may have a lower position in everyday social and work life. Consequently, their situation and interpretation of growing old are different. Gender and aging are strongly connected across the life course, and as we will see in more detail in several later chapters, some consider aging to be primarily a “women’s issue” (Arber and Ginn 2005; McDaniel 2004; Estes 2005; Muhlbauer et al. 2015). In Canada, we live in a unique multicultural society. Approximately 19 per cent of Canadians are foreign-born (calculated using Statistics Canada CANSIM tables). A majority  1 | Aging as a Social Process 19 Highlight 1.3 Age-Friendly Rural and Remote Communities: A Guide In September 2006, the Federal/Provincial/Territorial (F/P/T) Ministers Responsible for Sen- iors endorsed the Age-Friendly Rural/Remote Communities Initiative (AFRRCI). The initiative has two main objectives: 1. To increase awareness of what seniors need in order to maintain active, healthy, and productive lives within rural or remote communities. 2. To produce a practical guide that rural and remote communities across Canada can use to identify common barriers and to foster dialogue and action that supports the development of age-friendly communities. In an age-friendly community, policies, services, settings, and structures support and enable people to age actively by recognizing the wide range of capacities and resources among older people; anticipating and responding flexibly to aging-related needs and preferences; respecting the decisions and lifestyle choices of older adults; protecting those older adults who are most vulnerable; and promoting the inclusion of older adults in, and contribution to, all areas of community life. Source: Federal/Provincial/Territorial Ministers Responsible for Seniors 2009. of these people belong to visible minorities who, in recent years, tend to originate from Asian, Caribbean, South American, Eastern European, and African countries rather than from northern Europe. Today, there are at least 200 language groups in the country. As these individuals age, there will be increasing diversity within our older population (see Chapter 2). Place of residence, while not generally considered a stratification system, is an import- ant factor when discussing diversity in aging. There is considerable diversity in the lifestyles, backgrounds, and aging-related services and support systems of residents in rural versus urban communities (Keating 2008; Davenport et al. 2009). For instance, there has been an initiative in Canada and other countries to develop age-friendly communities, with a focus on improving social services and programs for older adults living in disadvantaged rural and remote communities (see Highlight 1.3). Studies on the effectiveness of age-friendly interventions are being conducted, but are not definitive as yet. The Social Construction of Old Age: Images, Labels, and Language There are many myths and misconceptions about growing older and about being elderly. These are often institutionalized into images and labels. Such labelling creates and perpetu- ates stereotypes, which are exaggerations of particular attributes of a group of individuals, 20 Part I | Interweaving Individual and Population Aging and fosters age discrimination and prejudices toward members of specific age groups; in short, it constitutes ageism (also see labelling theory in Chapter 5). Such views may dis- courage older adults from participating in the labour force or in some social, leisure, or volunteer activities. “Old” age, being “elderly,” or becoming a “senior” does not happen overnight when a person turns 65. Rather, the meaning of being “old,” “elderly,” or a “senior” is socially constructed and reinforced when cultural values and misconceptions def