The Indigenous Knowledge System of Female Pastoral Fulani in Northern Nigeria PDF

Chapter 14 The Indigenous Knowledge System of Female Pastoral...

Chapter 14 The Indigenous Knowledge System of Female Pastoral Fulani of Northern Nigeria Lantana M. Usman Introduction Recent debates on the role and contribution of African Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) have expanded the scope of African studies and education scholarships. African pastoral communities, which consist of indigenous people, are a few of the continent’s population that retain and promote IKS, not only as a means of cultural sustainability, but for survival and general livelihood. This chapter examines the feminization of indig- Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. enous knowledge systems (IKS) among the pastoral Fulani of Nigeria, as well as across West Africa. Through literature reviews and oral narratives, the chapter elucidates women and girls’ cognitive, aesthetic, spiritual, and moral educational components of cultural literacy. These are not only the norms and values of the Fulani females, but considered the cultural essentials that define females’ social agency and coexistence. In addition, the chapter reca- pitulates the purpose, nature, characteristics, and processes of these knowl- edge systems in order to connect the learning outcomes to the females and the ethnic community in general. A world classification of indigenous people included pastoral Fulani, the Wodaabe and the Bororo’en of West Africa (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs [IWGIA], 1998/1999). The nomads’ way of life is centered and recycled around IKS of cultural, economic, and social life. IKS Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  214 Lantana M. Usman are essential to nomads’ practical realities and existence, thus are part of a lifelong learning. As noted by Nafukho, Amutabi, and Otunga (2005), most African IKS are the basis of a cultural literacy that is in harmony with social, political, and economic sustainability. Often, learning experiences are shaped by the ethnic group’s philosophy of life (Chukwu, 2002). The Fulani pas- toralists’ philosophy of life is connected to religious idealism of nature and purpose, as well as the existence of humans’ harmony with the creator and nature (environment); it is synonymous with Aristotle’s construct realism (Gutek, 2005). The ramification of IKS for the nomadic Fulani is a continu- ous learning process and outcomes that are not only gender specific, but also gender sensitive. From the tribe’s oral historical origin of the Koforundu chronicle, it is stated that the development of the Fulfulde language of the ethnic group originated from the first Fulani woman and her children, thereby placing women as first teachers and custodians of maternal pedago- gies, which makes Fulani women a significant group in their community (Junaid, 1987; Usman, 2005). In light of the above synopsis, the chapter analyzes major IKS episte- mologies (cognitive knowledge), axiology (value system), aesthetics (goods, beauty, and arts) and the idealism-realism construct (spirituality and the environment) practices of the pastoral Fulani women and girls. The femi- nization of the knowledge system is significant to the social and economic sustainability of the women’s lives and the promotion of their identities. The account explores literature and oral historical discourses of the women and girls’ IKS and their contributions to the scholarship of world IKS. The Social Space of Pastoral Fulani Women Fulani nomadic females (women or rewbe and girls or surbaaBe) of West Africa are a significant indigenous population of sub-Saharan Africa (IWGIA, 1998/9; Stenning, 1994). In northern Nigeria, they constitute Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. half of the population of 9 million upland nomads (Usman, 2005), and are spread across Lake Chad, the prairies of Adamawa Highlands of Nigeria, and the Republic of Niger and the Cameroon (Ibrahim, 1966; Stenning, 1994). The women or rewbe (in Fulfulde the language of Fulani) have distinct social identities and statuses are not only ascribed from birth, but they are also labeled within the patriarchal institution of the ethnic group. Females are placed in the lower socioeconomic class and are considered as second- ary providers of the nuclear and extended family systems. Their sustainable informal economies are centered on dairy management and marketing, which provide females with a source of income and livelihood to support themselves as well as the family as secondary providers and nurturers (Dupire, 1971; Usman, 2005). Like other pastoral women of sub-Saharan Africa, Fulani pastoral females are more respected and their social statuses greatly recognized especially when married and hence young girls are expected to Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  The Indigenous Knowledge System 215 aspire to become wives (de St. Croix, 1972; Dupire, 1971; Kipuri, 1991). Furthermore, female’s marital social identities are expected cultural norms and values that are displayed through behavior and appearances. All females engage in various types of culture-based aesthetic body modifications such as facial tattoos, hairstyles, and clothing that distinguish their age, stage of marriage, or right of passage (de St. Croix, 1972; Dupire, 1971). For exam- ple, little girls wear durol cakaol (a special braided hairstyle) while married women and girl-child wives wear a hairstyle called durol bedyeli pu DaaDo (married women’s hairstyle) (Junaid, 1987). Female body modifications aim at maintaining and enhancing their natural beauty. As noted by de Villiers and Hirtle (1997), “they have their hair plaited, a lipstick of kohl blackens their lips, and yellow paste made from a friable stone called polla is spread all over their face” (p. 285). The female practices represent major cultural values that define their femininity and sexu- ality and that are also greatly appreciated by the opposite gender, who believe that these practices are part of the cultural norms, mores, and values that are central to the tribe’s aesthetic value knowledge and skills. These aesthetic value systems are transmitted from older women to younger women through imitation, observation, and role enactment as methods of teaching and learn- ing (de St. Croix, 1972; Usman, 2005). Ramifications and Learning Outcome of the Fulani Women’s IKS Prior to the colonial invasion of Africa, the people had an educational system that was functional and based on lifelong learning in preparation for adult- hood and the social responsibilities accorded to that stage of life. The aim of learning was and still is for the induction of members of the ethnic groups into their societies and to prepare them for adulthood (Fafunwa, 1974). Fafunwa added that “African education emphasized social responsibility, Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. job orientation, political participation and spiritual values” (p. 13). African IKS are both cognitive and practical, and are based on cardinal goals and principles of: developing a child’s latent physical skills and character; incul- cating respect for elders and those in positions of authority; developing intellectual skills; acquiring specific vocational training and instilling positive attitudes toward honest labor; fostering of belonging and active participa- tion in family and community affairs; and understanding, appreciating, and promoting cultural heritage of the community at large (Fafunwa, 1974). Dei (1996) explains, Indigenousness is knowledge consciousness arising locally and in association with long-term occupancy of a place. Indigenousness refers to the traditional norms and social values, as well as mental constructs which guides, orga- nize and regulate African ways of living and making sense of their world. Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  216 Lantana M. Usman Indigenous knowledge differs from conventional knowledge because of an absence of colonial and imperial imposition. The notion of indigenousness highlights the power relations and dynamics embedded in the production, interrogation, validation and dissemination of global knowledge about inter- national development. It also recognizes the multiple and collective origins of knowledge and affirms that the interpretation or analysis of social reality is subject to different and sometimes oppositional perspectives. (p. 1) IKS according to Nafuko, Amutabi, and Otunga (2005) are “knowledge and skills that encompass the entire survival and coping mechanism of a [tribe] community, and are acquired outside the formal educational system” (p. 18). In addition, Coombs and Ahmed (1974) refer to IKS as: The life long processes by which every person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes, and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the environment at home, at work, at play, from the examples and attitudes of family and friends... Generally, it is unorganized, unsystematic and even unintentional at times, yet accounts for the great bulk of any person’s total life- time learning including that of even highly “schooled” persons. (p. 8) African IKS are grounded in each ethnic group’s philosophy and wisdom, both which are passed from one generation to the other (Chukwu, 2002; Fafunwa, 1967, 1974). Specific to pastoral Fulani women the teaching and learning of IKS begins from childhood and continues to old age. It involves learning the culture and traditions of the past, which are cognitive and prac- tical perspectives that are participatory and active, and based on imitation, observation, listening, doing, recitation, and demonstration. It is a learning engagement that is also part of socialization, in which gender, age group, and rite of passage are marked as learning processes and outcomes. The primary agents of “deschooling” of the nomadic female Fulani are the family (extended and nuclear), peer groups, and the mosque. The praxis of teaching Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. and learning is directed by maternal pedagogies, as mothers, elderly women, and other significant females of the family and community serve as primary and secondary instructors. Cognitive Knowledge Systems The general epistemologies of the girls and women’s cognitive knowledge are broad and interdisciplinary. The learning processes are directed by rote learning or memorization, observation and imitation of the latent and implicit curriculum, as well as applying and practicing skills (Fafunwa, 1974). The modeling of learning is based on the three Ls: Look, Listen, and Learn (Fafunwa, 1974; Usman, 2005). For example, in the process of teach- ing young girls dairy management, older women demonstrate the milking Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  The Indigenous Knowledge System 217 process, churning of butter, and fermentation of milk using local utensils. The young ones observe and listen and are eventually allowed to practice what they have observed. Curriculum content include (but are not limited to) cognitive learning of proverbs, which are short, repeated, witty statements or sets of statements of wisdom, truth, and experience which are used to further a social end (Yusuf, 1998). Proverbs are idiomatic expressions, popular tribal sayings, and songs that require memorization and meta-cognition (Ezeomah, 1983). As observed by Ojoade (1982), parents teach proverbs to epitomize a moral lesson they wish to impart on their children. The practice is general to most African rural ethnic groups. As noted by Dei (2000) “elders taught oral lit- erature, fables, folktales, legends, myths, proverbs and story telling. African youths receive socialization and education” (p. 13). Ethnomathematics is one example of a learning process that is based on maternal pedagogies. Mothers/significant female adults teach ethnomath- ematics to nomadic Fulani girls through the mental exercise of counting, and the action of knotting rope(s) tied by the bedside of the child or the mother/ significant female adult. Dupire (1971) added that “mental education is given to her [girl] by her mother who answers all her questions, gives her practical training in the use of customary equipment and teaches her how to count by means notches cut on the bed pole” (p. 55). The purpose of learning ethno- mathematics is to enable girls to acquire basic orthodox numeracy, as well as learn and keep track of days and dates on the calendar (both modern and Islamic types) so as to know when market days are so they can sell their dairy products of milk, cheese, and butter. Significantly, counting days through knotting of ropes provides information that enables the female adults and adolescents to monitor their reproductive cycle; that is, monthly menstrual cycles as well as expected date of delivery for pregnant mothers. This traditional learning style is used by primary school attending Fulani girls in subjects like Arithmetic. Commercial teaching and learning manipu- Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. lative aids are expensive and not available in most rural primary schools in northern Nigeria, hence, students and teachers adapt the indigenous process to accommodate the deficiency of learning resources. The major advantage of incorporating indigenous learning techniques is that they accommodate IKS and are centered on continuity of learning style, flexibility of learning materials, and hands on learning for a more pragmatic and constructivist educational philosophy of learning (Ryan & Cooper, 2007). Social Medicines and Spiritual Knowledge System The concepts and practices of orthodox medicine and trado-pharmacology represent a lifelong learning that promotes sustainability of most if not all African ethnic groups (Oliver-Bever, 1986; Sofowora, 1993; Togbega, 2006). Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  218 Lantana M. Usman Pastoral Fulani female practitioners of the system are accorded special status, social prestige, and autonomy in their communities (Worley, 1991), especially with those whose family lineage are ascribed with the practices (Fafunwa, 1974; Sofowora, 1993). With the female Fulani pastoral women and girls, the nature and characteristics of their migrant life makes it mandatory for them to be prepared for health challenges that include illnesses such as malaria, common colds, rheumatism, and diarrhea, which are the most com- mon in tropical environments. Their caring practices extend into their roles as family nurses who often administer medications of herbs, oils, powders, and allied traditional medicines to themselves and members of their families. Their knowledge and practices of traditional medicine are demonstrated in their ability to select, process, and store tree shrubs, leaves, roots, barks, tra- ditional oils and fats, as well as powders of animals and reptiles, and liquids for curative purposes and prevention. For example, the women use leaves of neem or azadirachta [referred in Hausa lingua franca of northern Nigeria Hausa as dogon yaro] and carica-papaya (paw-paw leaves), and guava leaves (p. guajava) in treating malaria, diarrhea, and stomachache for themselves, their children, and other members of their households (Ekanem, 1978). The women and girls’ role in cooking has empowered them with knowl- edge of spices that are not only used as food, but also as curative medicines. It is a cultural value and normative expectation and practice for female pastoral women to possess spices such as black pepper (piper guineense/piperaceae), also referred in Hausa language as masoro/kaninfari, and ginger (zingeber offcinale/zingiberacene), also referred to as chitta in Hausa language. These basic and necessary spices are stored in the calabashes of all females, especially during migration. The women use these spices for the treatment of com- mon colds/flu, joint pains, and cough therapy for themselves and members of the family. The nature of their constant migration exposes them to harsh weather that triggers illnesses such as cold/flu, which affect mostly children who are constantly in the company of the women. It is the responsibility of Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. Fulani women to provide them with immediate therapy or medicines using such spices and herbs. Additionally, female Fulani traditional midwives or angwanzoma in Hausa language, use and administer selected bitter rich herbs mixed together and referred to in Hausa as madachi [bitter concoction] as dietary supplements for pregnant women, and lactating mothers. Also, the administration of selected herbs assists pregnant women’s muscles and nerves to relax during labor con- tractions. It is also believed that the herbs act as cleansing products of toxins in the systems of pregnant women, thereby ensuring a healthy baby at and after birth, as the mother continues to consume the herb solutions for a year. Also, post delivery care of new mothers involves a traditionally administered hot bath or (wankan jego) as body therapy (Kisekka, 1992). The administration of body massage and therapy are performed by experienced women with some basic knowledge in traditional midwifery. The process involves the Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  The Indigenous Knowledge System 219 use of hot water soaked in a solution of specific therapeutic tree shrubs and leaves of and carica-papaya (paw-paw), and azadirachta indica or neems also referred as dogon yaro in the Hausa lingua franca, used by the Fulanis. The bath process lasts forty days and is performed on the new mother twice a day. Often, the skills and knowledge of preparing and giving the hot bath are passed from one generation of women to the next. This is a means of preserving the knowledge and skills. Additionally, the hot baths are believed to be analgesic, to restore energy, and to rejuvenate blood circulation of the mother’s body, after the long period of labor. Lactating mothers also use a lot of medicinal spices in their puddings and soups to provide and restore energy after birth, prevent breast milk from clotting into painful lumps (the spices sensitize the flow of breast milk), as well as protect the breast fed baby from catching a cold. The traditional reproductive knowledge systems of the women have sustained mother and child health care for years, and are still practiced today, despite being undervalued and despised by modern medicine (Kisekka, 1992). Fulani and Hausa rural women and girls are knowledgeable about prac- tices of traditional spiritual education, with “spirituality knowledge con- nected to humility, healing and empowerment and value of life” (Dei, 2002, p. 4). The women’s orthodox spiritual knowledge systems are based on the Bori occult system that involves the control of forces and the performance of adoricism in dance and music in which the spirits are controlled to heal illnesses (Palmer, 1914). Women priestesses serve as mediums to those seeking assistance with healing illnesses and diseases, emotional therapy, and spiritual assistance. During worship, the women are clothed in spe- cial black traditional woven cloth and dance to the rhythms of local guitar known as garaya by raising themselves by jumping into the air as high as six feet above the ground and falling into trance. The ritual symbolizes a period of divine contact and receiving of revelation which is followed by incanta- tions and divine messages of a spiritual nature, which often lead to laying of Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. hands on the body or touching the sick in a process of healing (Frank, 1975; Umar, 1999). Even though Bori priestesses are Muslims, they achieve new status, self-empowerment, and social roles as divine healers, which earn them a lot of respect in the community (Lewis & al-Safi, 1991). The older female priestesses pass on the knowledge and skills to younger girls through Girkaa initiation (Veit & Habou, 1989). Girkaa, the process of inducting younger females into adulthood, has not only increased the knowledge continuity of female participation, but the domination of the female gender in the Bori system (Umar, 1999). Female nomadic Fulani women wear talismans and amulets that contain verses of the Quran. The ornaments are supposed to protect them against sickness, premature birth of babies, bad luck in trading and marriage, as well as general family protection (de St. Croix, 1972). The use of symbolic tra- ditional social medicine is accompanied with knowledge responsibilities. Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  220 Lantana M. Usman Women are expected, when the need arises, to memorize and spontaneously recall verses of the Quran. Such practices are based on cognitive learning that requires personal commitment. The memorization task of the talisman or shielded verses of the Quran is not only a mental activity that is personal, but it is also an inherited knowledge practice that is passed from mother to daughter, amplifying and symbolizing knowledge continuities. In sum, women and girls’ practices of spiritual education are a knowledge base, a function of healing illnesses, and an emotional therapy for members of the family and ethnic community in general. As common to most African communities, “[s]spiritual education embraces humility, respect, compassion and gentleness that strengthen the self and the collective human spirit of the learner” (Dei, 2002, p. 6). Environmental Education The migrant life pattern of the Fulani enforces them to be conscious and knowledgeable about their social and physical environment, so as to deter- mine their choice of seasonal settlement, and with special attention to their cattle (Stenning, 1994; 1957). Even though emigration and settlement decisions are the jurisdiction of men, as companions and spouses, women are often informed of the nature and characteristics of the land topography, rivers, and climatic changes, especially with relation to proximity to urban areas, as the women and girls are expected to visit these places to market their dairy products. Additionally, nomadic Fulani girls are taught about land, rivers, and types of grass and shrubs that the cattle can consume during herding. The girls are taught the position of water holes and how to estimate their capacity, how to identify grazing lands and their composition of nitro-rich soils for curative purposes, and how to read the clouds for rainfall and winds. This indigenous knowledge is very valuable for smooth adaptation to the new Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. environment and pertinent to continuity in community economic activities and social life. The purpose of learning and becoming knowledgeable about weather information and interpretation is to help the girls prepare and move to market centers to sell their dairy products. Girls and women gather wood and shrubs for cooking fuel and in the course of fuel gathering they learn to distinguish different types of corn stalks for fuel and cattle consumption. Mothers and elderly women teach girls the types of vegetation and trees so that this knowledge is carried down from one female generation to the next. Due to their emigration pattern, women explore the environment and iden- tify and collect wild fruits and leafy vegetables as sources of food. While food is vital for the sustenance of the group, women also collect special twigs for rope making (de St Croix, 1972; Dupire, 1971). The pastoral Fulani consider cows as special gifts from the creator. Both women and men respect cattle. The tribe believes in the supernatural powers Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  The Indigenous Knowledge System 221 of cattle in sustaining their livelihood and guiding them in deciding and selecting suitable and safe environments for settlement and grazing settle- ment (Stenning, 1994). As a result of their dependence on cows for sustain- ability, women and girls consider them special, and often refer to a cow as “she,” as a way of bonding socially with the animals. Due to the women’s continual access to cattle milk, which facilitates their dairy processing of sour milk, curds, and butter (Shiva, 1988), pastoral Fulani women consider the calves to be part of the family and community and nurture calves as they nurture their children (de St. Croix, 1972). Another reason for the women’s commitment to nurturing the calves is to ensure their good health and growth for future production of milk, for domestic consumption (as a stable food) and for processing and distribution in urban markets as a primary source of income for the women and girls (VerEecke, 1991). Migration is not only an economic necessity for women in Fulani fami- lies, but also for the whole Fulani nomadic group. Relocation itself is also means of educating and exposing women to the world of nature as well as learning “self perseverance in the face of all hardships” (Junaid, 1987, p. 28), which is the core of the Fulani moral code of pulaaku. Women learn to read their natural environment and learn to make sense of it from the knowl- edge accumulated and transmitted from one generation to another. The natural environment is a source of life for the whole group and their cattle. Environmental knowledge embedded in their indigenous epistemology is a source of livelihood and social and economic continuity. Knowledge of Arts and Craft The aesthetic skills and expression of beauty and arts and crafts of the nomadic Fulani women are a cultural feminine value. Pastoral Fulani women value their appearance in terms of beauty, which often is enhanced through traditional cosmetics, and creative body modification (de Villiers Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. & Hirtle, 1997). Furthermore, the women and girls’ symbolic art creations are demonstrated on their calabashes, the main domestic and commercial utensil. The women create decorative patterns, using cold local tools, such as kitchen knives and rock sharp objects, and white native chalk paste made from dry milk. Their artistic designs are combinations of various abstract motifs such as circles, squares, triangles, and lines, and animal figures such as lizards and snakes that are symbolic of the tribe’s philosophy of life (Beckwith & Fisher, 1999; Mbahu, 1999). In addition, Jest (1956 cited in Mbahu, 1999) observed that: The geometrical motifs are deeply appreciated by the Fulbe. The circles, tri- angles and jagged lines are reproduced on the walls of their huts, materials and poetry designs. This geometrical pattern is certainly an expression of the deep preoccupation of their intellect. (p. 45) Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  222 Lantana M. Usman Further images displayed in the paintings and designs include plants with leaves, human figures, camels, horse riders, and women pounding food in a traditional mortar. The display of the women and girls’ imaginary creativity further highlights their knowledge construction in aesthetics and axiological branches of philosophy of education. The generated patterns and designs reflect a social realism with respect to nature and the community, which is central to most IKS in African ethnic groups. Moral Education For female pastoral Fulani, moral education is related to character education and is guided by behavior conduct, etiquette, and general mannerisms that define and construct their social identities. The ethnic moral code of pulaaku is courage, strength, humility, perseverance, good character, bravery, and self-empowerment by all Fulani women and girls. Pulaaku practices are dem- onstrated through positive behavioral conduct and effective communication in private and public spaces, such as being good listeners and not making direct eye contact with elders during conversation to show respect. The Fulani believe pulaaku calms their minds and inner spirits, thereby allowing them to have control over the negative social vices of anger and hatred. Since pastoral Fulani take pulaaku very seriously, it is generally considered a social control mechanism. Women or rewbe are expected to be of good character and are expected to display confidence, reservation, and shyness during public conversation (Dupire, 1971). Young girls or surbaaBe between the ages of four to five years are taught essential rules of the sociomoral code mbo Dangaku, which demands them to conduct and communicate with the opposite gender appropriately to maintain self dignity and family honor (Junaid, 1987). Additionally, females learn moral education through proverbs. Often, nomadic Fulani women and girls of good character command respect from Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. their relations and in-laws. In the case of young unmarried girls their good morals are rewarded during the selection of marriage partners when Fulani bachelors compete in a game dance of sharo (a male stick whipping dance) meant to test manhood as well as to win the choice of a bride. In sum, moral education taught through pulaaku is what distinguishes the pastoral Fulani’s social identity from other pastoralists such as the Tuaareg in West Africa. Domestic Training Traditional practices of education are an integral aspect of everyday life and serve primarily for the transmission of traditional roles and skills. Mothers and older women provide training of home economics or domestic science to young girls during the first years. The girls acquire survival domestic skills as Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  The Indigenous Knowledge System 223 part of their daily family chores as they learn and demonstrate how to fetch water and firewood, prepare food, milk the cows, pound and grind grains, churn butter, and clean and take care of younger brothers and sisters. In families, young girls are expected to spend most of their time at home doing domestic chores and may not leave the household unless authorized by par- ents to do so. As mothers make regular market visits to sell products and are absent from home, girls cover their mother’s domestic duties in addition to their own duties (Junaid, 1987). On the other hand, older girls learn the skills of family maintenance and nurturing as they have the role as substitute caretakers of the younger children and infants during the absence of their mothers. If a girl were to leave the infants for any reason she would be punished by her mother (Junaid, 1987). A number of the Fulani childcare techniques are used in their married homes when they become mothers and wives. These tasks are considered essential for the functioning of female social life among the nomadic Fulani as well as preparing the young girls for motherhood. The practice is handed down from generation to generation, a demonstration of essential knowledge and skill continuities, which are central to most African ethnic tribes. Conclusion Traditional African knowledge systems are broad and interdisciplinary. Their practices are affected by differences in geographies but are in harmony with the need for sustainability, continuity, and livelihood. The chapter recapitu- lated the feminization of IKS with the pastoral Fulani women. An overview of the epistemologies, axiology, aesthetics, and idealistic religious philosophies that are connected to spirituality and healing, moral education, and environ- mental education were discussed in relation to the purposes, practices, and development of the women and girls. The continuity of these knowledge sys- tems and practices of the women and girls indicates continuity of the cultural Copyright © 2010. Palgrave Macmillan. All rights reserved. tenets and heritage of the tribe. It demonstrates that the impact of modern- ization with the nomadic women has boundaries, which have allowed them sustain their IKS. The discussion also provides a voice for the women, as well as a source of information that may be considered for further research inquiries that may be beneficial in the scholarship of deschooling and development in Africa. It is the resolve of this discussion that more attention should be pro- vided to women and girls’ practices of IKS in Africa, as little is documented or studied about them, when compared to the opposite gender. References Beckwith, C., & A. Fisher (1999). African ceremonies (Vol. 1). New York: Abrams Publishers. Kapoor, D., & Shizha, E. (Eds.). (2010). Indigenous knowledge and learning in asia/pacific and africa : Perspectives on development, education, and culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2024-10-22 01:11:39.  224 Lantana M. Usman Chukwu, C. N. (2002). Introduction to philosophy in an African perspective. Eldoret: Zapf Chancery Research Consultants and Publishers. Coombs, P. H., & M. Ahmed (1974). Attacking rural poverty. 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