International Migration At The Beginning Of The Twenty-First Century (PDF)

GLOBAL TRENDS AND ISSUES International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century: global trends and issues Stephen Castles In the second half of the twentieth century, migration and the actions taken by the govern- international migration emerged as one of the ments and other stakeho...

GLOBAL TRENDS AND ISSUES International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century: global trends and issues Stephen Castles In the second half of the twentieth century, migration and the actions taken by the govern- international migration emerged as one of the ments and other stakeholders concerned. main factors in social transformation and devel- Migration helps to erode traditional boundaries opment in all regions of the world. Its signifi- between languages, cultures, ethnic groups and cance looks set to increase further in the twenty- nation-states. It therefore challenges cultural tra- first century, as population mobility grows in ditions, national identity and political insti- volume and takes on new forms. Migration is tutions, and contributes to a decline in the auto- a result of the integration of local communities nomy of the nation-state. and national economies into global relation- This article seeks to provide an overview ships. At the same time, it is a cause of further of some of the main trends and issues which social transformations in are likely to shape inter- both migrant-sending and Stephen Castles is Director of the Centre national population mobility receiving countries. In tra- for Asia Pacific Social Transformation in the period ahead. More ditional societies, many Studies at the Universities of Wollongong detailed accounts of people spent their whole and Newcastle, Australia. Email: stephen migrations affecting specific lives in their native village castles얀uow.edu.au. He also helps regions and countries will coordinate the UNESCO-MOST Asia or neighbourhood. Today, Pacific Migration Research Network. His be given in other articles in migration is becoming most recent publications are: Citizenship this issue. increasingly common as and Migration: Globalization and the people move in search of Politics of Belonging (with Alastair Dav- security and a better liveli- idson, 2000), and Ethnicity and Globaliz- Definitions and ation: From Migrant Worker to Trans- hood: from villages to national Citizen (London, 2000). types towns, from one region to another in their home coun- Migration means crossing try, or between countries the boundary of a political and continents. Even those or administrative unit for a who do not migrate are affected as relatives, certain minimum period (Boyle et al. 1998, friends or descendants of migrants; or through chapter 2). Internal migration refers to a move experiences of change in their community as from one area (a province, district or a result of departure of neighbours or arrival municipality) to another within one country. of newcomers. International migration means crossing the Migration is often a result of economic frontiers which separate one of the world’s and social development. In turn, migration may approximately 200 states from another. Many contribute to further development and improved scholars argue that internal and international economic and social conditions, or alternatively migration are part of the same process, and may help to perpetuate stagnation and should be analysed together (Skeldon 1997, 9– inequality. Much depends on the character of 10). Rigid distinctions can be misleading: ISSJ 165/2000  UNESCO 2000. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 270 Stephen Castles international migration may be over short dis- migration tends to be regarded as problematic: tances and between culturally similar people something to be controlled and even curbed, (e.g. between the southern Philippines and because it may bring about unpredictable Sabah in Malaysia), while internal migration changes. Problems of comparison arise not just can span great distances and bring together very because statistical categories differ, but because different people (e.g. movements of Uigar such differences reflect real variations in the ‘national minority’ people from the western social meaning of migration in differing con- provinces of China to cities in the East). Some- texts. One way in which states seek to improve times the frontiers ‘migrate’, rather than the control is by dividing up international migrants people, making internal migrants into inter- into categories: national ones. For instance, the break-up of the 앫 Temporary labour migrants (also known as former Soviet Union turned millions of former guest-workers or overseas contract workers): internal migrants into foreigners in the successor men and women who migrate for a limited states. However, this article focuses specifically period (from a few months to several years) on international migration, because of its links in order to take up employment and send to globalisation and its significance in creating money home (remittances). multi-ethnic societies. 앫 Highly skilled and business migrants: people The great majority of border crossings do with qualifications as managers, executives, not imply migration: most travellers are tourists professionals, technicians or similar, who or business visitors who have no intention of move within the internal labour markets of staying for long. Migration means taking up transnational corporations and international residence for a certain minimum period—say 6 organisations, or who seek employment months or a year. Most countries have a number through international labour markets for of categories in their migration policies and scarce skills. Many countries welcome such statistics. For instance, Australia distinguishes migrants and have special ‘skilled and busi- between permanent immigrants, long-term tem- ness migration’ programmes to encourage porary immigrants who stay at least 12 months them to come. usually for work, business or education, and 앫 Irregular migrants (also known as undocu- short-term temporary visitors. Yet Australia is mented or illegal migrants): people who enter seen as a ‘classical country of immigration’ a country, usually in search of employment, because of its tradition of nation-building without the necessary documents and per- through immigration, and nearly all public mits. Many labour migration flows consist debate is focused on permanent immigration. predominantly of undocumented migrants. In Other countries prefer to see immigration as some cases immigration countries tacitly per- essentially temporary. When the German Fed- mit such migration since it allows mobilis- eral Republic started to recruit so-called ‘guest- ation of labour in response to employer workers’ in the 1960s, some were allowed in demands without social costs or measures for for a few months only as ‘seasonal workers’ protection of migrants. while others received one-year permits. In time, 앫 Refugees: according to the 1951 United it became difficult to limit residence so tightly: Nations Convention relating to the Status of people who had been resident for a certain time Refugees, a refugee is a person residing out- obtained 2-years, then 5-years and finally side his or her country of nationality, who unlimited permits. is unable or unwilling to return because of Such variations highlight the fact that there a ‘well-founded fear of persecution on is nothing objective about definitions of account of race, religion, nationality, mem- migration: they are the result of state policies, bership in a particular social group, or polit- introduced in response to political and economic ical opinion’. Signatories to the Convention goals and public attitudes. International undertake to protect refugees by allowing migration arises in a world divided up into them to enter and granting temporary or per- nation-states, in which remaining in the country manent residence status. Refugee organis- of birth is still seen as a norm and moving to ations, especially the United Nations High another country as a deviation. That is why Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), seek  UNESCO 2000. International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century 271 to distinguish clearly between refugees and today which admit to discriminating on the migrants, but they do share many common basis of such criteria. The exceptions are coun- characteristics with regard to social needs tries which give preference to people considered and cultural impacts in their place of settle- to be returning to an ancestral homeland such ment (UNHCR 1997). as ‘patrials’ to Britain, ‘ethnic Germans’ to Ger- 앫 Asylum-seekers: people who move across many, Jews to Israel, or Nikkeijin from Brazil borders in search of protection, but who may to Japan. This situation contrasts with the quite not fulfil the strict criteria laid down by the recent past: the USA, Canada, Australia and 1951 Convention. In many contemporary other countries had selection policies based on conflict situations in less developed countries national origins or race until the 1960s. How- it is difficult to distinguish between flight ever, selection policies ostensibly based on because of personal persecution and depar- economic, social and humanitarian criteria may ture caused by the destruction of the econ- have unconscious racial and ethnic biases built omic and social infrastructure needed for sur- into them. Using skills, language knowledge, vival. Both political and economic possession of capital or assumptions on ‘settle- motivations for migration are linked to the ment capability’ may favour people from certain generalised and persistent violence that has countries or backgrounds over others. resulted from rapid processes of de-colonis- ation and globalisation under conditions determined by the developed countries Causes of migration (Zolberg et al. 1989). 앫 Forced migration: in a broader sense, this There is a large empirical and theoretical litera- includes not only refugees and asylum- ture on the causes of migration, which cannot seekers but also people forced to move by be reviewed here (see Boyle et al. 1998, chapter environmental catastrophes or development 3; Castles and Miller 1998, chapter 2; Massey projects (such as new factories, roads or et al. 1993, Skeldon 1997). International dams). migration is an integral part of globalisation, 앫 Family members (also known as family which may be characterised as the widening, reunion or family reunification migrants): deepening and speeding up of worldwide inter- migration to join people who have already connectedness in all aspects of contemporary entered an immigration country under one of social life (Held et al. 1999, 2). The key indi- the above categories. Many countries, includ- cator of globalisation is the rapid increase in ing the USA, Canada, Australia and most cross-border flows of all sorts: finance, trade, European Union (EU) member states recog- ideas, pollution, media products and people. The nise in principle the right to family reunion key organising structure for all these flows is for legal immigrants. Other countries, the transnational network, which can take the especially those with contract labour systems, form of transnational corporations, global mar- deny the right to family reunion. In such kets, international governmental and non- cases, family members may enter illegally. governmental organisations, global criminal 앫 Return migrants: people who return to their syndicates, or transnational cultural communi- countries of origin after a period in another ties. The key tool is modern information and country. Return migrants are often looked on communications technology, including the inter- favourably as they may bring with them capi- net, improved telephone connections and cheap tal, skills and experience useful for economic air travel (Castells 1996). Flows of capital and development. Many countries have special commodities are generally welcomed by the schemes to make use of this ‘development holders of economic and political power, but potential’. However, some governments view immigration and cultural difference are seen as returnees with suspicion since they may act potential threats to national sovereignty and as agents of cultural or political change. identity, and many governments and political None of these categories are explicitly movements seek to restrict them. Yet the reality based on the race, ethnicity or origins of is that population mobility is inextricably bound migrants, and, indeed, there are few countries up with the other types of cross-border flows.  UNESCO 2000. 272 Stephen Castles The most obvious cause of migration is A useful approach to analysing the various the disparity in levels of income, employment factors causing emigration is to be found in and social well-being between differing areas. ‘migration systems theory’ (Kritz et al. 1992). Differences in demographic patterns with regard A migration system is constituted by two or to fertility, mortality, age-structure and labour- more countries which exchange migrants with force growth are also important (Hugo 1998). each other. It is necessary to examine both ends According to neo-classical economic theory, the of the flow and study all the linkages main cause of migration is individuals’ efforts (economic, cultural, political, military etc.) to maximise their income by moving from low- between the places concerned. Migratory move- wage to high-wage economies (Borjas 1989). ments generally arise from the existence of prior However, causes of international migration are links between sending and receiving countries often quite complex. Movements may be based on colonisation, political influence, trade, initiated and regulated by powerful institutions, investment or cultural ties. For instance, Carib- while state control of borders by states creates bean migrants have tended to move to their barriers to market forces (Portes & Böröcz respective former colonial power: for example, 1989). An alternative economic approach is pro- from Jamaica to Britain, Martinique to France vided by the ‘new economics of labour and Surinam to the Netherlands. The Algerian migration’ (Stark 1991), which argues that migration to France is a consequence of the migration cannot simply be explained by French colonial presence in Algeria, while the income differences between two countries, but Turkish presence in Germany is the result of also by factors such as chances of secure direct labour recruitment by Germany in the employment, availability of capital for entre- 1960s and early 1970s. Both the Korean and preneurial activity, and the need to manage risk the Vietnamese migrations to the USA derive over long periods. Migration decisions are made from US military involvement in the countries not just by individuals—they often represent of origin. family strategies to maximise income and sur- Typically migratory chains are started by vival chances (Hugo 1994). Use of remittances an external factor, such as recruitment or military for consumption and investment can only be service, or by an initial movement of young fully understood through a ‘whole-household- (usually male) pioneers. Once a movement is economy’ approach (Taylor 1999, 64). established, the migrants mainly follow ‘beaten Thus there is no simple relationship paths’ (Stahl 1993) and are helped by relatives between poverty and emigration. Departures and friends already in the area of immigration. from the very poorest areas may be rare, because Networks based on family or on common place people lack the economic capital needed to of origin help provide shelter, work, assistance travel, the cultural capital needed to become with bureaucratic procedures and support in per- aware of opportunities elsewhere, and the social sonal difficulties. These social networks make capital (or networks) needed to successfully find the migratory process safer and more manageable work and to cope in a new environment. How- for the migrants and their families. Migratory ever, in the event of a catastrophe (such as war movements, once started, become self-sustaining or environmental degradation) which destroys social processes. Some people (both migrants and minimal subsistence levels, even the poorest may non-migrants) become facilitators of migration. be forced to migrate, usually under very bad A ‘migration industry’ emerges, consisting of conditions. Migration is thus both a result and recruitment organisations, lawyers, agents, smug- a cause of development. Development leads to glers and other middle-people. Such people can migration, because economic and educational be both helpers and exploiters of migrants. The improvements make people capable of seeking emergence of a migration industry with a strong better opportunities elsewhere. Research shows interest in the continuation of migration has often that it is middle-income groups in developing confounded government efforts to control or areas that are most likely to depart. As incomes stop movements. rise, emigration tends to decline (United Nations The links between migrant community and Working Group on International Migration area of origin may persist over generations. 1998). Remittances fall off and visits home may  UNESCO 2000. International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century 273 Afghan refugees travelling towards Pakistan, December 1982. Baret / Rapho decline in frequency, but familial and cultural tary and forced. However, from the fifteenth links remain. People stay in touch with their century onwards, European nation-state forma- area of origin, and may seek marriage partners tion, colonialism and industrialisation led to a there. Migration continues along the established rapid growth in migration (Cohen 1987, 1995, chains—and may increase dramatically at a time Moch 1992). Colonialism involved overseas of crisis, as shown in the early 1990s by the emigration of Europeans as sailors, soldiers, far- mass refugee movement of former Yugoslavs mers, traders, priests and administrators. Col- to Germany, where they joined compatriots who onial labour was provided first through forced had migrated as workers 20 years earlier. In the migration of African slaves (some 15 million long run, migrations may lead to international between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries), communicative networks, which affect econ- and later through use of indentured workers, omic relations, social and political institutions, who were transported large distances within col- and the culture and national identity of all the onial empires. Industrialisation in Western Eur- countries concerned (Basch et al. 1994). ope led to landlessness and impoverishment, which encouraged mass emigration to other con- tinents. Economic growth and nation-building Historical trends in the USA relied heavily on immigration, with an estimated 30 million people entering from Population movements in response to demo- 1861 to 1920. Within Western Europe, indus- graphic growth, climatic change and economic trialising economies made considerable use of needs have always been part of human history. migrant workers: Irish in Britain, Poles in Ger- Warfare and formation of nations, states and many, Italians in France and so on (Noiriel empires have all led to migrations, both volun- 1988, 308–18).  UNESCO 2000. 274 Stephen Castles Table 1. Migrant population by region, 1965 and 1990 Estimated foreign-born population As percentage of total As percentage of Millions population of region migrant stock world total Region 1965 1990 1965 1990 1965 1990 World total 75.2 119.8 2.3 2.3 100.0 100.0 Developed countries 30.4 54.2 3.1 4.5 40.4 45.3 Developing countries 44.8 65.5 1.9 1.6 59.6 54.7 Africa 7.9 15.6 2.5 2.5 10.6 13.1 Asia 31.4 43.0 1.7 1.4 41.8 35.9 Latin America and the Caribbean 5.9 7.5 2.4 1.7 7.9 6.2 Northern America 12.7 23.9 6.0 8.6 16.9 20.0 Europe and former USSR 14.7 25.1 2.2 3.2 19.6 20.9 Oceania 2.5 4.7 14.4 17.8 3.3 3.9 Source: Adapted from Zlotnik (1999) Tables 1a and 1b. Economic stagnation and political turmoil shifted away from the old centres, and trans- led to reduced migration between 1918 and national forms of production and distribution 1945. In the USA, ‘nativist’ groups claimed that reshaped the world economy. The older indus- Southern and Eastern Europeans were ‘unassim- trial countries experienced new types of inflows, ilable’ and presented threats to public order and while new immigration countries emerged in American values. Congress enacted a national- Southern Europe, the Gulf oil countries, Latin origins quota system which stopped large-scale America, Africa and Asia. The late 1980s and immigration until the 1960s. France was the early 1990s were a period of unprecedented only country to recruit foreign workers in this migration. These contemporary movements will period: colonies of Italians and Poles sprang up not be described here, as they are the theme of in the heavy industrial towns of the North and other papers in this issue of ISSJ. However, East, while there were Spanish and Italian agri- some general data on international migration cultural settlements in the Southwest. In the will be given. depression of the 1930s, many migrants were deported and the foreign population fell half a The volume of contemporary million by 1936 (Cross 1983). In Nazi Ger- migration many, the regime recruited enormous numbers of foreign workers—mainly by force—to The most comprehensive recent figures have replace German men conscripted for military been provided by a study carried out by the service. United Nations Population Division, which After the Second World War, international gives estimates on migrant stock (the number migration expanded in volume and scope. More of foreign-born residents) in 218 countries or and more countries were affected by migration, territories (Zlotnik 1999) (see Table 1). while immigration countries received entrants The UN figures show that the global from a broad spectrum of economic, social and migrant stock (the number of people resident cultural backgrounds. Two main phases can be in a place outside their country of birth) grew distinguished. The first lasted from 1945 to from 75 million in 1965 to 120 million in 1990. 1973: the long boom stimulated large-scale lab- The 1990 figure was roughly equal to 2% of our migration to Western Europe, North Amer- the world’s population. The number of migrants ica and Oceania from less-developed areas. This grew slightly faster than world population as a phase ended around 1973, with the ‘Oil Crisis’, whole, but the annual growth rate (1.9% for the which triggered a major recession. In a second whole period but increasing to 2.6% from 1985– phase from the mid-1970s, capital investment 90) was not dramatic. However, international  UNESCO 2000. International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century 275 migration appears to have grown more rapidly industrial areas and urban centres where there in the 1990s, reaching an estimated 135–140 are chances of employment and where previous million people, including some 13 million migrants can provide help with settlement. In UNHCR-recognised refugees by 1997. Nonethe- Europe for instance, virtually all major cities less, international migrants remain a fairly small have large concentrations of immigrants. Typi- minority, with most of the world’s people cally, certain neighbourhoods become centres of remaining in their country of origin. Internal immigrant settlement, marked by distinctive busi- migration, by contrast, is much larger: for nesses, associations, social facilities and places instance the number of internal migrants in of worship. Such neighbourhoods are the basis India in 1981 was some 200 million, more than for ethnic community formation and cultural and double the number of international migrants in linguistic maintenance. the whole world at the time. Overall, in the Another recent trend has been the feminis- second half of the 1980s, between 750 million ation of migration. Although women have and one billion people (about one in six of the always formed a large proportion of migrants, world’s population) migrated—mainly internally their share has gradually increased: by 1995 (Skeldon 1997, 4). about 48% of all international migrants were The significance of migration as a major women, and they outnumbered male migrants factor in societal change lies in the fact that it in about a quarter of receiving countries is concentrated in certain countries and regions. (Zlotnik 1999). More important was the shift in The UN study shows that 90% of the world’s the character of female migration, with a trend migrants were living in just 55 countries. In away from movement as family members of absolute terms, most migration is between less- male workers or refugees and an increase in the developed countries: in 1990, 55% of all number of women who moved independently or migrants were to be found in such areas. But as heads of households. However, such changes in relative terms, the developed world has been were not always reflected in public perceptions, far more affected by immigration: 4.6% of the nor in migration regulations, which tended to population of the developed countries were automatically treat women as dependents (Lutz migrants in 1990, compared with 1.6% in et al. 1995). developing countries. An examination by geo- graphical regions confirms this concentration: the 1990 immigrant share in total population Migration and development was highest in Oceania (17.8%) followed by North America (8.6%) and Western Europe Over the last half-century, international (6.1%). The immigrant share in population was migration has grown considerably, and taken on far lower in Asia (1.4%), Latin America and forms which were not anticipated by govern- the Caribbean (1.7%) and Africa (2.5%) ments and planners. This poses new challenges (Zlotnik 1999). In the 1980s and 1990s, flows for societies and policy-makers all over the from less-developed to developed countries world. The most important question for coun- have grown rapidly, despite attempts by receiv- tries of origin is whether migration assists or ing countries to restrict such movements. In hinders development. Migration may hinder addition, there have been large flows of labour development by siphoning of qualified person- migrants from the least developed countries of nel (the ‘brain drain’), removing dynamic young the South to the newly industrialising countries workers and reducing pressures for social (NICs), especially in East Asia. change. Migration often involves a transfer of Migration affects certain areas within both the most valuable economic resource—human sending and receiving countries more than others. capital—from a poor country to a rich one. The As migratory chains develop, large proportions family, local community and state of the place of the young men and women of specific villages of origin have borne the costs of upbringing of or neighbourhoods leave, which may lead to the migrant to young adulthood. The immi- local labour shortages as well as major changes gration country will reap the benefits of this in family and community life. In immigration investment, and the migrant will often return countries, newcomers become concentrated in home after completing his or her working life  UNESCO 2000. 276 Stephen Castles to once again be the responsibility of the coun- to encourage migrants to combine their savings try of origin. It is only worthwhile for the emi- to set up companies or carry out infrastructure gration country if the gain in human capital projects in the home community could play a (enhanced skills and productivity) through part, although worker companies set up by working abroad can be productively utilised Turkish migrants in the 1970s were not parti- upon return and the transfer of income from cularly successful. immigration to emigration country outweighs Most emigration country governments have the costs of upbringing of the migrant. policies to prevent abuse or exploitation of their Both labour-importing and labour- citizens while abroad, and to provide assistance exporting countries often pursue short-term in case of illness, accident, death, trouble with aims. The former are concerned with obtaining the law, disputes with employers or other a flexible, low-cost labour force. The latter are emergencies. For instance the Philippines has mainly concerned with generating jobs for an set up the Overseas Workers’ Welfare Adminis- under-utilised workforce and with getting the tration (OWWA), which provides a range of maximum possible inflow of worker remittances services, including pre-departure orientation (Abella 1995, Tomas 1999). Other declared seminars and special officials at consulates to objectives include preventing exploitation of assist migrants (Tomas 1999). However, meas- workers and protecting nationals while abroad. ures and services for the protection of emigrants Many countries actively encourage emigration are frequently ineffective. They are not avail- for employment. This may mean actual govern- able to the irregular migrants, who may face ment involvement in recruitment and deploy- the worst problems. The number of consular ment of workers, regulation of non-govern- officials is often far too small to cope with the mental recruitment agencies, or simply laissez- case-load. Even legal migrants are so dependent faire with regard to spontaneous movements. on finding and keeping employment abroad that Some Asian governments have set up special they hesitate to complain about abuses. More- departments or agencies to manage labour emi- over, sending country authorities hesitate to gration, such as the Bureau of Manpower, antagonise the authorities and employers in the Employment and Training (BMET) in Bangla- countries of immigration, for fear that these will desh, or the Office of the Protector of Emigrants prefer workers from other countries. In a situ- within the Ministry of Labour in India (Shah ation of global oversupply of low-skilled 1994, 239). However, regulation of emigration migrants, the market power lies with the from less-developed countries is often ineffec- recruiting countries. tive, as the large number of irregular migrants There is a lack of coordinated strategies to demonstrates. This allows exploitative employ- assist returning migrants with re-integration. ment and abuses like the trafficking of women Most migrants are left to their own devices and and children for prostitution. frequently face difficulty in finding employment Remittances are a key objective: they make commensurate with the skills they have acquired a massive contribution to the national accounts abroad. They may end up running small unpro- of many emigration countries, and could help to ductive businesses which often fail. Savings may fund development investments. Global migrant be spent on consumption and dowries rather than remittances increased from US$2 billion in 1970 investment. The experience of returnees is thus to US$70 billion in 1995 (Taylor 1999, 68). very uneven, but there is sufficient experience Orderly transfer of remittances is essential if the to permit some policy-relevant conclusions. It potential benefits are to be realised—otherwise seems that adequate counselling and information remittances will be transferred in irregular ways, both before and after return, as well as help in often in the form of cash or consumer goods. obtaining investment credits are factors con- Money which goes through the banking system ducive to successful reinsertion and maximisation may be more conducive to investment than cash of positive effects on development. Returnees transfers. Realistic exchange rates, low bank are more likely to be successful if advised and charges, and availability of reliable financial supported by governmental agencies and NGOs. services in both area of employment and area Maintenance of social networks in the home of origin are vital. Special investment schemes country is crucial for a successful return.  UNESCO 2000. International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century 277 Co-operation between sending and receiving comprehensive common policies with regard to countries, as well as international organisations, migrants from third countries. Common policies can play an important part in achieving a suc- on migration, both from member states and cessful return (United Nations 1998, 63–9). from third countries, should be seen as an essen- tial part of regional integration, and should be linked to policies on international cooperation International cooperation on and development. migration Emigration countries frequently seek to make bilateral agreements with immigration International cooperation could help to ensure countries on the regulation of migration and the orderly migration and to enhance the contri- rights and conditions of their citizens. Such bilat- bution of migration to development. However, eral agreements played a major role in labour efforts and outcomes so far have been disap- migration to Western Europe in the 1960s and pointing. The main reasons for this are lack 1970s, and did much to improve the social secur- of long-term strategies by both emigration and ity and rights of migrant workers and their famil- immigration countries, and the reluctance of ies. More recently, immigration countries have immigration countries to take steps which might been reluctant to conclude such agreements. increase the cost of migrant labour to International efforts should be made to encourage employers. Major elements of an international bilateral cooperation, by showing that it can regulatory framework already exist in ILO Con- bring benefits for all parties concerned. The ventions No. 97 of 1949 and No. 143 of 1975, migrants would gain through enhanced protection and in the 1990 United Nations Convention on and greater social security (for instance through the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members transferability of pension entitlements). The emi- of their Families. These standards need to be gration countries would gain because such agree- linked together in a comprehensive framework ments could facilitate transfer of remittances and to regulate the rights and conditions of migrant make it harder for agents and recruiters to cream workers. However, the main problem is that off profits from migration. Immigration countries relatively few countries (especially immigration would gain through improved control of countries) have ratified these instruments. migration and the creation of a more stable and Action is needed to persuade more countries to better-trained migrant workforce. sign up and implement the Conventions. A world intergovernmental conference on migration might be one way of raising aware- Settlement and ethnic ness of the need for such measures. diversity Currently, most countries (especially emi- gration countries) lack effective systems for For receiving countries, the key question is monitoring international migration. Moreover, whether immigration will lead to settlement, definitions and statistical categories vary con- formation of ethnic communities, and new siderably. Effective monitoring and comprehen- forms of ethnic and cultural diversity. In the sive and internally comparable statistics are 1960s, Western European policy-makers thought essential for effective multilateral action. that ‘guest-workers’ would not settle perma- Trends towards regional economic inte- nently. However, after the Oil Crisis, family gration and political cooperation in many parts reunion and community formation took place. of the world often include consideration of lab- The Gulf oil countries do not allow family our migration. Some regional bodies have reunion and settlement, yet their economies are highly developed policies with regard to move- structurally dependent on foreign labour. This ments between the member countries. This is leading to increased length of stay and family applies particularly to the European Union, formation, despite the rules. Similarly, there is which has introduced almost totally free move- evidence of settlement and emergence of ethnic ment for citizens of member states as part of neighbourhoods in Japan and other Asian lab- European citizenship. However, none of the our-importing countries (Komai 1995, Mori regional economic bodies have yet introduced 1997). It seems that migration almost inevitably  UNESCO 2000. 278 Stephen Castles leads to settlement of a certain proportion of Whatever the policies of the governments, the migrants, whatever policy-makers expect. immigration may lead to strong reactions from This is partly due to the social nature of the some sections of the population. Immigration migration process, which is sustained by infor- often takes place at the same time as economic mal networks once it gets started. Another fac- restructuring and far-reaching social change. tor is the increasing strength of human rights People whose conditions of life are already safeguards in many countries, which make it changing in an unpredictable way often see the difficult for governments to deport migrants or newcomers as the cause of insecurity. to deny them the right to live with their Migrations and minorities are seen as a danger families. to living standards, life styles and social Immigrants often differ from the receiving cohesion. In Europe, extreme-right parties have populations in many ways: they may come from grown and flourished through anti-immigrant different types of societies (for example, campaigns. Similarly, one reaction to the Asian agrarian-rural rather than urban-industrial) with Crisis of 1997–99 was to blame immigrants different traditions, religions and political for unemployment and other social ills, and to institutions. They often speak a different langu- introduce policies for large-scale deportations. age and follow different cultural practices. They The overall experience of the last 50 years is may be visibly different, through physical that immigration almost always leads to cul- appearance (skin colour, features, hair type and tural changes, which may be perceived as so on) or style of dress. Some migrant groups threatening. Since political leaders generally become concentrated in certain types of work do little to prepare their populations for such (generally of low social status) and live in low- developments, the result is often a politicis- income residential areas. The position of immi- ation of issues connected with migration and grants is often marked by a specific legal status: the emergence of conflicts which may take that of the foreigner or non-citizen. The social many years to resolve. meaning of ethnic diversity depends to a large extent on the significance attached to it by the populations and states of the receiving coun- Migration as a challenge to tries. In many cases, immigration complicates the nation-state existing ethnic or racial divisions in societies with long-standing minorities. As a major factor in globalisation, migration is Culturally distinct settler groups almost one of the forces eroding the power of the always maintain their languages and some nation-state. One area in which this is parti- elements of their homeland cultures, at least cularly apparent is that of border-control— for a few generations. Where governments have which is usually seen as a crucial aspect of recognised permanent settlement, there has been nation-state sovereignty. Reference has already a tendency to move from policies of individual been made to the difficulties experienced by assimilation to acceptance of some degree of emigration countries in controlling migration cultural difference. The result has been granting flows. Indeed the very fact that large numbers of minority cultural and political rights, as of people have to go abroad to seek a reason- embodied in the policies of pluralism or multi- able livelihood exposes the inability of the state culturalism introduced in various forms in North to bring about economic development, and may America, Oceania and parts of Western Europe lead to a crisis of confidence. Where the state since the 1970s. Governments which reject the of the country of origin is unable to provide idea of permanent settlement also oppose plural- effective protection to nationals abroad, this ism, which they see as a threat to national unity may lead to a public outcry, as was shown and identity. In such cases, immigrants tend to dramatically in the Philippines in the Flor turn into marginalised ethnic minorities. In other Contemplación case in 1995 (Castles 1998, Lim cases, governments may accept the reality of and Oishi 1996). settlement, but demand individual cultural However, immigration countries also find assimilation as the price for granting of rights it difficult to prevent unwanted migratory flows. and citizenship. The Schengen Agreement in Europe and the  UNESCO 2000. International migration at the beginning of the twenty-first century 279 tightening of border controls in the USA may national identities. Institutions are likely to have reduced irregular movements, but they change in response to diverse values and needs certainly have not stopped them altogether. Sev- (Castles and Davidson 2000). eral African and Asian countries have carried The classical countries of immigration out quite draconian measures, such as mass have been able to cope with this situation most expulsions of foreign workers (e.g., Nigeria, easily, since absorption of immigrants has been Libya, Malaysia), building fences and walls part of their myth of nation-building. But coun- along borders (South Africa, Israel, Malaysia), tries which place a common culture at the heart severe punishments for illegal entrants (corporal of their nation-building process have found it punishment in Singapore; imprisonment or a very difficult to resolve the contradiction. This bar on future admission in many countries) and applies to many European countries, but also sanctions against employers (South Africa, to many of the new post-colonial nation-states Japan and other countries). Despite such meas- which are being constructed in other conti- ures unauthorised migration remains a concern nents. Asian states have tended to adopt quite almost everywhere. restrictive rules on naturalisation and cit- The difficulty in achieving effective con- izenship, and find it very difficult to accept trol is not hard to understand. Barriers to the possibility of integrating new immigrant mobility contradict the powerful forces which populations (Castles and Davidson 2000, Dav- are leading towards greater economic and cul- idson and Weekley 1999). The recent trend to tural interchange. In an increasingly inter- development of transnational communities is a national economy, it is difficult to open borders further challenge to the nation-state: modern for movements of information, commodities forms of transport and communication make it and capital and yet close them to people. Most possible for immigrants and their descendants states welcome tourists and students, and fav- to maintain long-term links with the ancestral our international labour markets for highly homeland or with diaspora groups elsewhere skilled personnel, yet seek to limit flows of (Basch et al. 1994, Cohen 1997). Thus the manual workers, family members, and asylum- idea that a state must be based on a relatively seekers. Such distinctions are hard to enforce, homogeneous nation is becoming increasingly and millions of people move irregularly. They difficult to sustain. are aided by a transnational ‘migration indus- try’ consisting of recruiters, labour brokers, travel agents—working both legally and Conclusion illegally. The nation-state, as it has developed since At the beginning of the 1990s, migration sud- the eighteenth century, is premised on the idea denly took a prominent place on the inter- of cultural as well as political unity. In many national political agenda: the upheavals sur- countries, ethnic homogeneity, defined in terms rounding the collapse of the Soviet bloc led to of common language, culture, traditions and his- uncontrolled influxes of irregular migrants and tory, has been seen as the basis of the nation- asylum-seekers to Western Europe and North state. This unity has often been fictitious—a America. The result was a flurry of diplomatic construction of the ruling elite—but it has pro- activity and international meetings, leading to vided powerful national myths. Immigration and stricter border controls and attempts to limit ethnic diversity threaten such ideas of the certain types of mobility. By the late 1990s, it nation, because they create a people without became clear that the mass migrations would common ethnic origins. Democratic states tend not eventuate, and migration was once again to integrate immigrants by offering them and seen as a secondary issue in western countries. their children citizenship. However, the failure However, in East Asia, the Financial Crisis of of assimilation policies and the growth of ethnic 1997–99 led to a similar politicisation of communities mean that the new citizens are migration, with migrants being blamed for econ- often not nationals (in the sense of sharing the omic and social problems. Attempts at mass dominant culture). The emergence of multicul- deportation and stricter border control were tural societies creates major challenges to made, with limited success.  UNESCO 2000. 280 Stephen Castles Such events demonstrate the close links That requires a bargain between labour-importing between economic and political change and popu- and exporting countries, so that the former can lation movements, which seem to be an integral obtain the active young workers they need, in part of globalisation. However, attempts by return for remittances, skills transfer and return nation-states and the international community to migration which will facilitate development in the regulate migration have been sporadic and ad labour-exporting countries. Finally, it is important hoc—driven by spectacular events rather than by to develop the understanding that all types of any long-term perspectives. 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