Andean Textile Traditions and the Inka PDF

1 E. Phipps Andean Textile Traditions and the Inka Elena Phipps Inka textiles (1438-1532 A.D.) notably those made by royal weavers, and used by the noble families, ruling elites a...

1 E. Phipps Andean Textile Traditions and the Inka Elena Phipps Inka textiles (1438-1532 A.D.) notably those made by royal weavers, and used by the noble families, ruling elites and state officials, are known for their austere geometry of design and high quality of weaving, and are among the finest textiles made in the Andes (Fig. 1). They were made of the highest quality materials, in a meticulous and regulated weaving process, overseen by Inka administrators and represent, in a physical way, the empire itself. Control, identity, perfection, consistency, value of material quality and processes, among other attributes incorporated within the context of an understated and clearly defined aesthetic, exemplify the Inka tradition, and represent aspects of Inka philosophy and practice. Figure 1. Inka male tapestry tunic with checkerboard design. Ica Regional Museum, Ica, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii.  2 E. Phipps Andean textile traditions and the Inka Origin myths recorded by Spanish and indigenous authors of the 16th and 17th centuries, underscore the importance of textiles and weaving as a powerful source of Inka identity. Indeed, Juan de Betanzos a 16th century Spanish historian living in Cuzco, noted that Inka described the people of the Andes prior to their rule, as being naked or wearing garments made only with leaves or skins. They professed that it was the Inka primogenitors, especially Mama Occlo (prounced as O'kukulo), the putative first Inka queen, who taught the people how to spin, weave and dress (Fig. 2). Indigenous author Guaman (prounced as Waman) Poma de Ayala depicts this idea in his graphic version of Inka pre-history, in his manuscript El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, intended for the King of Spain, (ca. 1615) From an historical perspective, while it is true that Inka weaving was particularly distinctive, notably in the quality of the materials, the manner of production and the aesthetic of its designs, in fact, the act of spinning and weaving had begun in the Andes long before the Inka perfected their art. Figure 2. Acllaconas (cloistered women) spinning. Guaman Poma de Ayala. Fol.0300.  3 E. Phipps http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/300/en/text/?open=idm46287306191616 Andean civilizations had begun to develop weaving as early as about 4500 BCE, if not before. With the diverse environmental zones of the region—from dry coastal deserts to high snow- capped mountains and from the interface of the two through fertile river valleys that traverse from the highlands to the Pacific Ocean, cultures that thrived in these various climate zones developed particular characteristics in their textiles. Cotton, Gossypium barbadense, originated in the coastal valleys while the variety of wild and domesticated camelids—whose hairs ranged from stiff and straight, to soft, silk-like and supple—were found both in the coast and highlands, but believed to have thrived better in the highlands. Cotton, a long-stapled and fine quality species, grew in a range of natural colors, from white, crème, beige, brown, pinkish, and greenish hues, especially from the northern coastal region, though certainly white and brown were the most abundant. The animal hair—from llamas, alpacas (the first two are domesticated), vicuñas, guanacos -- also had their particular natural color palette—from white, dark brown, light brown, café, black and eventually grays—often found mixed within a single animal (Fig. 3). The qualities of these fibers varied, in the length of the hair and its fineness, and was clearly differentiated by species. These color variations were further developed, for those animals that were domesticated, and were cultivated though animal husbandry practices.  4 E. Phipps Figure 3. Llamas in the upper Loa River, Atacama, northern Chile. Photo by Izumi Shimada. The wild species—the vicuñas and guanacos—had the finest of hairs, whose color was distinctive and silkiness to the touch most highly prized. Colorants from nature in the form of mineral pigments and plant- and animal-sourced natural dyes were used by skillful and knowledgeable artisans, creating a wide range of colors. Earth minerals such as irons and ochres, mercury and lead sulfates provided ancient textile makers with brilliant reds, oranges and yellows, used especially on cotton, along with browns coming from organic tannins such as the pods of the huaranga trees or other leaves and barks. Red colors came from plants such as the madder-like roots of the Relbunium species shrub that produces an orange-red dye, as well as the cochineal insect (Dactylopius coccus) that yields a brilliant crimson (Fig. 4).  5 E. Phipps Figure 4. Cochineal insect (white areas) on cactus, South Coast of Peru. Photo by Elena Phipps. Indigo blue coming from the leaves of the tropical Indigofera plant(s) as well as other tropical species that contained the precious indican—the molecule of the indigo dyestuff—was sourced mostly from the tropical rainforest region (Amazonia). Indigo was used early in the history of textiles, notably discovered in the archaeological site of Huaca Prieta, perhaps among the earliest evidence, not only of the use of blue-dyed fibers, but also, of trade between the ecological zones. Coastal species of shellfish provided a special purple color used on cotton cloth. Due to its chemical nature, the naturally occurring yellowish liquid colorant is often milked from the shellfish, and placed directly onto the cotton cloth, which, in the presence of air, turns to a deep reddish-purple color. Near Ocucaje on the south coast of Peru, at the edge of the Ica Valley, artisans from ca 150 BCE sometimes applied this liquid to their hands, leaving perhaps the only direct handprints on cloth of the anonymous ancient Andean artists. Peruvian born Spanish chronicler, Garcilaso de la Vega, recounts in his history of the Inka, in the early 17th century, the local myth that it was Viracocha, the powerful creator god, who insured  6 E. Phipps that the language and garments of each region were distinctive, thus defining cultural identity though dress. Not only were the style and patterning of the garments different region to region, but the cultural identity of the weavers themselves can be assessed in part, through their materials and techniques, as artisans developed local traditional methods for their production. Details, such as the spinning direction of the yarns, for example, whether twisted to the left or right, and used singly or plied together to create a combined yarn of two or three or four strands, varied from north to south, especially along the coast (see detail of yarns in the photo of Object xxx in this catalogue). These spun yarns, forming the warps (the first set that is placed on the loom) and the wefts (the second set that is interlaced with the warp) are used in a variety of ways, distinctly culture to culture. Weaving tools and methods also have a particular impact on the character of the woven cloth. Variable tension looms, used to create loosely woven plain- weave cloth that is found on the coast, were generally composed with sticks attached at one end that was belted to the weaver’s waist and the other end, to a stationary pole in the ground or a hook in a wall (Fig. 5). In contrast, the densely woven warp-faced cloth of the highlands requires a stronger even tension and tended to be woven on looms that were staked out horizontally to the ground, as they are today. Some cultures that excelled in tapestry weaving, created pictorial designs in the densely packed colorful camelid hair wefts and strongly taut cotton warps, were likely woven on an upright loom (Fig. 6), as we see depicted in Guaman Poma.  7 E. Phipps Figure 5. Weaving using a back-strap loom. Ferreñafe, North Coast of Peru. Photo by I. Shimada. Figure 6. Upright tapestry loom Villa Ribero, Bolivia. 1998. Photo by E. Phipps From the earliest manipulations with fibers to create cloth or textile forms such as ropes, bags or other items, Andean textile makers incorporated the twisting, knotting, looping, and linking of yarns to fabricate a wide range of mesh-like materials (see detail in the photo of the comb for weaving, Object xxx). Weaving, with yarns in perpendicular fashion, with single, double, and  8 E. Phipps even triple sets resulted in some of the most complex textile structures known throughout the world (Fig. 7). Patterning systems relied on the mind and memory of the weaver: complex mathematical counting systems formed the basis for a number of textile constructions that integrate sequences of hand movements with memorialized patterns and designs. In a culture with no writing, the Pre-Hispanic Andean weavers drew from historical knowledge, passed down from generation to generation together with a highly developed conceptual thinking process related to the construction and repetition of socially important patterns. To be supplied later. Figure 7. Close-up of the weave of the Sicán bag (Object xx). The National Sicán Museum, Ferreñafe, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Textiles were a very important part of all Andean cultures, and notably for the Inka. The organization of Inka society structured the sourcing of fibers, the spinning, weaving, garment construction and distribution as core to political power. They were renowned for their use of garments as tools of diplomacy, distributing tunics woven under royal auspices as a key component to political relationships and empire building. According to colonial sources, such as Guaman Poma de Ayala, it is said that the Inka king, when travelling throughout the empire, would change into the clothing worn in a specific area that he was visiting, as a sign of respect to the authority to local lords. And the king would gift specially woven tunics to the local lords, in exchange for fealty. The great number of garments that fueled the needs of empire building, including specialized tunics worn by elite guards and soldiers, along with these garments of privilege and those worn by the king himself, were woven by a cohort of individuals in service to the royal enterprise. Selected women (also known as "segregated" or "cloistered" women), the  9 E. Phipps acllacuna (pronounced as akuyakuna), were drawn from throughout the empire and housed in special structures to spin, dye, weave and sew garments for royal need. Specialized weavers, the cumbi camayos were highly skilled and knowledgeable individuals who were responsible to maintain the highest of standards for tapestry weaving required by the Inka. These standards, and the use of finely woven tapestry garments as an expression of elite administrative privilege, were drawn in part from another, earlier tradition of the Wari and Tiwanaku (400-1000 A.D.); the latter is a culture that the Inka considered as ancestral to their origin in the Lake Titicaca region in the northwestern Bolivia (Fig. 8). Figure 8. Fine tapestry weave Inka male tunic with tocapu designs. National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History, Lima, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Although the Inka produced their textiles hundreds of years later, Wari tunics with brightly colored and complexly designed tapestry weave, may have served as a type of model for Inka weavers, based on at least the similar use of the extremely fine techniques of tapestry (that uses over one hundred yarns per inch of weaving), though diverting in the iconographic programs which were distinctive from each culture. We know that the Inka, whose administrative center was in Cusco, looked to Lake Titicaca as a sacred place, and a place of origin of their god  10 E. Phipps Viracocha, according to mythology, as one example, that was recorded after the Spanish conquest of the Inka Empire (1532-35) by Juan de Betanzos. Whether or not the Inka may have had the opportunity to have seen or had in hand actual textiles from the earlier period is not clear, although some of the finest Inka weavers, were located in workshops in Capachica and Milliraya, at the shores of Lake Titicaca, the Tiwanaku heartland. Inka garments Inka official garments have remarkably recognizable character in their design, format, and quality of weaving. Male garments consist of a tunic, called uncu, and possibly a shoulder mantle and coca bag. Women’s garments consisted of a wrapped dress that was pinned at the shoulder, held at the waist with a belt and a shoulder mantle, pinned at the breast (Fig. 9). Figure 9. The Fourth Queen: Chibo Mama Iachi Urma. Guaman Poma de Ayala. Fol.126. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/126/en/text/?open=idm46287306314368  11 E. Phipps These basic garment types have been described in detail in Colonial documents, by Jesuit missionary and writer, Bernabe Cobo, as he observed around 1610 in Cusco: “…a short garment without sleeves or collar which they call Uncu and which we call camiseta, because it has the form of our camisas (shirts). Each one is woven separately, for they are not accustomed to making long bolts of cloth as we do and cutting them to make garments. The piece of cloth of which they make this tunic is like a strip of ticking; it is three and a half palmos wide and two varas long. They leave the neck open on the loom itself, so that there is nothing to cut; when it is taken off the loom, no further craft work is necessary, but to fold it and sew up the sides with the same threads with which it was woven, as one sews up a sack, leaving unsewn in the upper part of each side enough space to put the arms through. It ordinarily reaches to their knees or three or four fingers further up.” For the women’s dress, he detailed that: “… they wear [the dress] like a sleeve-less soutane or tunic the same width at the top as at the bottom; it covers them from the neck to the feet. No hole is made for their head to fit through. They put it on the following way: they wind it around the body under the arms and pulling the edges over the shoulders they bring them together and fasten them with their pins. This dress or soutane is called anacu.” Cobo’s descriptions are very accurate, and provide information not only about the garments, but how they were made, notably, without cutting the cloth. This is true for  12 E. Phipps all of the Inka garments—that is, they were woven as rectangular lengths of cloth, with finished edges, that were sometimes seamed together with other lengths of cloth, but never cut. Many examples of uncus, whole and fragments have been preserved and the multiple examples of tunics with a particular set of consistent designs demonstrate that there was a methodology and practice in their production. American archaeologist John H. Rowe in his seminal essay on the subject remarked on the standardization of Inka tunics, grouping these archaeological garments according to their designs. These groups include: the black and white checkerboard tunic with red neck yoke (see Fig. 1); another checkerboard type with a particular design of diagonal and squares referred to as “Inka key” (see the photo of Object xxx in this catalogue) by Rowe; a tunic with a waistband design of multiple geometric designs called tocapu (Fig. 10)]; and a tunic with a waistband design consisting of diamond shapes. Figure 10. A close up of the horizontal band of tocapu on an Inka male tunic. National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History, Lima, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii.  13 E. Phipps Few Inka textiles from the Inka heartland of the Cusco region, their center of power, have been found associated with archaeological contexts, due to the humid environment that is not conducive to preservation of organic materials, such as textiles. Those that have been found, were recovered in other regions far from the highlands, specifically from the dry Peruvian coast, particularly in the Lurín, Ica, Nasca and Acari valleys in the south (see the photo of Object xxx). Among the elite textiles, those that have been preserved include a number of garments (whole or in fragments) found in different geographical locations within the vast Inka empire, that share common designs and compositions within a consistent format. These include both male and female garments, though tunics, worn by men, are among the most often preserved and identifiable as having been made by Inka manufacture. Female garments, primarily as untailored, rectangular cloths, and often with less distinctive design features can be more difficult to identify, particularly when found as fragments, which may account for their being less recognizable from archaeological finds. Insights from Capacochas and High-Altitude Offerings Recent archaeological discoveries in the very high altitude (over 6000 meters) ceremonial sites in the volcanic mountain peaks of the Arequipa region of southern Peru and in Salta, northern Argentina by high-altitude climber and archaeologist Johan Reinhard and others have provided new insights. This is especially true as many of the sacrificial offerings in these frozen landscapes yielded extremely well-preserved textiles both as ritual garments for those individuals that had been part of human sacrifice ceremonies, as well as the miniature garments which served as offerings for dressed figurines made of precious gold, silver or spondylus shell (Fig.  14 E. Phipps 11). The capacocha ritual—a highly sacred Inka ceremony initiated only in times of great need, involving the sacrifice of young adolescents in the prime of life in honor of Ylapa (the god of lightening) and other gods that were thought by the Inka to reside in the highest peaks of the Andes – was detailed by Spanish chroniclers. While generally associated with the highland peaks – it is also interesting, that the same type and style of dressed figurines that were found in high altitude burial caches, have also been found in archaeological sites located in the northern coast of Peru. One example was found inside a building construction wall in archaeological site of Túcume. Also, a spondylus shell dressed figurine found at the pre-Inka Moche site of the Huaca de la Luna belongs to this group of capacocha figurines. The presence of the same ritual cluster of artifacts and garments in such extreme geographic and climatic locations is an indication of the extent, and perhaps flexibility of Inka ritual activity as practiced by local populations within their own sacred sites, among the empire. Figure 11. High quality miniature garments for the silver (tarnished dark) figurine excavated at the site of Túcume near the border of the Lambayeque and La Leche valleys, North Coast of Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii.  15 E. Phipps The importance of the recent high altitude finds cannot be stressed enough, in terms of expanding our knowledge of Inka dress, especially about female garments. As so much focus in the literature has been on the male tunics, our understanding, until recently about women’s clothing was scant. This was in part, as noted earlier, due to the difficulty to identify components of women’s garments among archaeological finds and fragments, since virtually all the garments were made of rectangular pieces of cloth, for the most part without tailoring. Or, in the case of garments that were seamed or stitched together, there had been few clues to interpreting how they were worn. Prior to these high altitude finds, our knowledge about the Inka women’s garments, and their role in the ritual life came primarily from the examination of the textiles preserved at the site of Pachacamac, the great pilgrimage center near the mouth of the Lurín valley just south of Lima, that contained a building complex that housed the aclla, the cloistered women chosen to serve the Inka and the state cult of the Sun, in the making of clothing and chicha, the alcoholic maize drink used in all rituals. The so-called Temple of the Sacrificed Women, excavated by Max Uhle in 1903, was an important source of archaeological finds that included a number of female dress components. Mantles, both whole and in fragments, of several design types, were published at that time (along with Ann Rowe’s more recent publication of mantles and dresses from the excavation) The understanding of their significance is made all the greater now that we have a broader picture of their use and uniformity of design and construction through comparison with the more recently discovered mummies of the capacocha burials. And this is especially true with the finding, in 1980s of a spectacular example of a large anacu (Fig. 12) in pristine condition in the walled structure at the site. The anacu is the woman’s dress composed of a rectangular cloth  16 E. Phipps wrapped around the body, pinned at the shoulders and tied around the waist. Special royal-style anacu’s and those used as part of the capacocha ritual, were often of a larger-than-life size. Composed of three sections, they were generally made with three separately woven lengths of cloth seamed together. The simplicity of the designs—with the horizontal strips along with top and bottom sections, formed in mirror image, and a wide, central section of a monochrome color—belie the exquisite quality of the weaving. These dresses appear to have been worn with matching shoulder-mantles (llillcas -pronounced as yiyucas). Figure 12. Anacu recovered at Pachacamac. The Pachacamac Site Museum, Lima. Photo by Daniel Giannoni. These examples indicate that the standardization that we have seen and known about for male tunics was also in play with the garments of the Coyas, the principal wife of the Inka emperor, and high-status women—at least for those who participated in the mainstream religious and ceremonial life of Inka ritual.  17 E. Phipps While we think of Inka textiles as being produced of the finest of materials, and with the greatest of skill, this may have been true primarily for those textiles intended for the king and the noble classes. This high-quality weaving—referred to by the term cumbi cloth and differentiated from the ahuasca (pronounced as awasuka) or coarser cloth—was exceptional. Those special examples of the cumbi, tapestry-woven garments, made of finely spun alpaca hair, and woven with hundreds of yarns per inch of weaving stand out in their quality and physical character. II COLONIAL TEXTILES Inka and Colonial sources What we know about the Inka textile traditions, and their function and meaning in Inka society come from several different sources, including the study of a number of preserved garments, of which only a few have archaeological contextual information, and from the post-Inka Colonial documents (mostly from ca. 1535 to early 18th century CE), paintings and manuscripts that directly or indirectly describe aspects of the textiles, their use and manufacture. We also can learn substantially about the perception of Inka culture by examining textiles made in the Colonial period that utilize Inka design and aesthetic considerations yet incorporate newly introduced elements in both materials and symbolic meaning, transformed by their context and use.  18 E. Phipps Colonial period Inka-style garments and their meaning When Francisco Pizarro landed in Tumbes, in the 1528 in the far north coast of Peru, he sent Indian runners to Atahualpa, the Inka king, who was in the north highland town of Guamachuco (pronounced as Wamachuko), to inform him of their arrival. Atahualpa greeted the messengers, and heard the news of the arrival of the stranger, who, some considered, may have been a god. Juan de Betanzos, whose Narrative of the Inka conveys detailed information on the history and culture of the period says that the first questions asked by the Inka about these strangers concerned their manner of dress: “The Inka asked them what type of man he was and how he was dressed and what kind of garments he wore and how they looked.” Understanding the importance of garments in the Andes, and particularly at the time of the Inka is key to appreciation of the transformation of these meanings and symbolic associations that permeate the Colonial world. Representations of the Inka nobility, notably in paintings such as the famous series of the Corpus Christi processions in Cusco, among others, are immediately identifiable, through the depictions of the Inka-style garments they wear as they walk around the central square of the city, accompanying the elaborate carts bearing statues of the saints covered with gold and silver and flowers. Personal accoutrements, such as headgear (notably the mascaypacha, the tassel attached to the headgear that the Inka king wore symbolizing his supreme imperial power), earspools, shields, weapons, etc., depicted in the paintings aid in the identification of their status as nobility. But it is the uncu, covering the body of the king, that first and foremost manifested his identity and authority. During the Inka period, a specific class of uncu was manufactured under royal administration. These garments, among the finest quality produced in the Andean world, were strictly made within a specific set of criteria, which  19 E. Phipps governed their design, format, quality, and weaving method. The result of these weaving decisions was virtually, a garment, in which front and back, and inside and outside were identical, and complete. No loose threads are visible to indicate the hand of the artisan, nor the process by which it was made. These physical qualities of the cumbi cloth contributed to the meaning of the garments and were culturally recognizable. Tapestry weavers, specialists trained under Inka cumbicamayoc, continued after the Conquest to produce finely woven tapestry garments for many years, although, a decline in the quality of weaving was noted by Spanish Administrators. A decline in quantity of the masterweavers was also noted by the Viceroy Francisco Toledo, who, in the 1570s charged his census takers to compile the list of extant cumbi weavers in the Visitas (comprehensive administrative surveys) conducted throughout the region. Though he wanted the fine specialist weavers to be identified, at the same time, in 1575 Toledo, enacted laws, under the authority of the King of Spain, prohibiting the wearing of Inka style garments. These garments—notably, the uncu or tunic—had a long history in the Andes, and embodied in their designs and manufacture, aspects of identity that the Spanish sought to deny. After the conquest, these garments, were modified by a series of laws and ordinances governing their design. Those especially associated with the image of royalty were subject to scrutiny, yet, at the same time, they were incorporated into the theater of Andean colonial life. They were used intentionally, in the public presentation of an ‘Inka’ identity, sanctioned by both the Church and political officials, and were worn during religious processions, such as Corpus Christi, and for secular festivals. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the wearing of these tunics in these celebrations was recorded in many paintings of the period, for example discussed above. The depictions of these tunics being worn in these processions help to illustrate their social function  20 E. Phipps in Colonial society: the actual tunics that have been preserved from the period provide us with tangible evidence documenting the process of transformation in the material culture. Although extant examples of early colonial uncus are structurally almost indistinguishable from their pre-Conquest counterparts, they are different, notably in their design. The quick absorption of many Spanish elements, not only imported silk and silver threads but motifs from a decidedly European design vocabulary, including crowned lions, Hapsburg double-headed eagles, and interlinked floral scrolls and strapwork mimicking the metalwork popular in Spain. One particularly dramatic innovation in men’s uncus was a stark contrast that emerged between the front and back of the garment (Fig. 13), which in Inka times were identical. The front of a tunic now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, for example is covered with Inka- style geometric motifs, whereas the back has a strikingly stylized jaguar-pelt design. It is possible that the differentiation between front and back in the colonial garment served to accentuate its “theatrical” effect in public processions, and we can see this in a number of examples.  21 E. Phipps Figure 13. Colonial (17th century?) tapestry tunic woven in Cusco, likely in the 17th century as cumbi. The garment was woven to be placed on astatue of Christ the Child, or possibly worn by a small child. The front and the back sides have different designs, but both contain various Christian and European symbols such as the cross and the symmetrical pair of lions. The other side is blue, and has a name “Diego Diaz” woven into it. The Inka Museum, Cusco, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Of all the Inka symbols transformed in colonial garments, tocapu were perhaps the most prominently used, or exploited. These variable geometric patterns are inscribed in rectangular or square units forming rows (betas, according to Guaman Poma) sequenced in what often appears to be a random order. Guama Poma, for example, describes the tunic of Manco Capac as having three ‘betas’ of tocapu in the middle of the garment (Fig. 14). The term tocapu can refer to a single design unit, a group of units, or, more generally, the graphic device: in other words, it is both singular and plural. Padre Ludovico Bertonio, in his Aymara dictionary of 1612, defined the term tocapu isi as “garment or clothing of the Inka made with a thousand marvels.” Although the term is specifically garment-related in both early definitions, tocapu embellished various other types of objects, notably keros, the Inka ritual drinking vessels with a flaring rim. In the absence of any documentary or historic evidence, the derivation and meaning of tocapu remains unclear. We know that during the Inka period only persons affiliated with the Inka administration were allowed to wear garments with tocapu designs. Tocapu were also associated with high social status and, perhaps, with place of origin.  22 E. Phipps Figure 14. Guama Poma de Ayala 2006[1615/1616], folio 88; Drawing 26 showing the second Inka ruler, Sinchi Roca Inka, wearing a tunic with multiple rows of tocapu. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/88/en/text/?open=idm46287306339696 The profusion of tocapu seen in colonial tapestry garments would have been unknown in Inka times (Fig. 14). Multiple rows of tocapu, generally organized in a diagonal alignment, in the waistbands of the tunics were sometimes combined with European motifs such as figures of Spanish soldiers or flowers. Further embellishment, such as embroidered tocapu—a purely colonial invention—can also be found on the lower edges of some tunics and women’s mantles. Sometimes tocapu in embroidered formats were accompanied by other elaborately embroidered imagery, such as European heraldic lions, castles, and flags, as we can see in the black embroidered tunic belonging to the Inka Museum in Cusco, and the Brooklyn Museum in New York.  23 E. Phipps Figure 15. Colonial (18th century) portrait of Ñusta Inka, Inka princess wearing her anacu and mantle. The Inka Museum, Cusco, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. The other primary innovation in colonial tapestry garments was in the production of elaborate women’s mantles (see the photo of Object xxx in this catalogue). Women of Inka noble heritage, in the early colonial periods are depicted, in paintings, for example, of the marriage of Don Martín de Loyola to Doña Beatriz Ñusta, the late 17th century oil on canvas in the Compañía de Jesús building in Cusco, with wearing tocapu-covered mantles (Fig. 15). These colorful and highly designed garments contrast sharply with the more austere, and regular Inka mantles such as those seen from Pachacamac with simple stripes and bands, sometime with geometric elements. A number of beautifully made, silk, and metallic threads, and incorporating both Andean and Spanish designs, these heirloom female garments (Fig. 16; also see the photo of Object xxx), like their male counterparts, represent the status and identity of the wearer. The use of these tocapu-covered mantles, made with silk and silver threads, represented the finest of the imported materials brought by the Spanish to the Andes, and at the same time utilized intrinsic  24 E. Phipps Andean concepts of design organization as seen in traditional women’s garments, though here more elaborated. The number of preserved heirloom pieces of these women’s mantles is notable and may be the result of the increased social interactions between women of Inka noble heritage and Spanish administrators and officials. Marriage was a powerful tool in creating social alliances for Spanish rule. Additionally, the aspect of Andean land rights that followed the matriarchal line, empowered, through marriage and strategic alliances, the Spanish claim to legitimacy. To be supplied later. Figure 16. Details of the warp patterns woven with various types of threads including those (silk?) wrapped with silver laminas. Lámbarri-Orihuela Collection, Urubamba, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Conclusion The Inka garments that remain today in Museum collections throughout the world, for the most part, have been preserved in archaeological contexts, from the dry coastal southern desert of Peru. In contrast, the majority of the Colonial era examples have been preserved in highland collections. Some had been kept in stone boxes, such as the one now in the American Museum of Natural History that is said to have contained the feline pelt tunic. Others had been passed on generation to generation as inherited legacies, documented in the many wills and testaments from the period, indicated that they had been valued as keepsakes of another era. Worn by nobility, or by statues of Jesus Christ, or used to clothe the huacas (Quechua term that describes natural or cultural item that is inherently powerful and sacred) and sacred stones and other natural artifacts,  25 E. Phipps the Andean garments remain as a powerful legacy of the Inka tradition, mediated through the process of social transformation. Colonial Andean garments evidence a remarkable continuity of weaving methodology from Inka times. Though certain features of the Inka masterweavers have been modified, other elements fully retain their ‘Inka’ qualities. Indeed, in some ways, the tunics of the colonial period became more ‘Inka’ in some regards than those from Inka times; that is, symbolic designs formerly associated implicitly with the Inka nobility, became explicitly exaggerated and elaborated in the examples from the 17th-18th centuries. But certain features, whether genuine representations of an Inka concept, or self-conscious attributions of applied symbols, remain constant and conveyed, through their physicality and design, fundamental expressions of an Inka aesthetic and world view. Through the examination of the garments, and the textile traditions that produced them, we can see that the presentation of nobility came through the repetition of certain canons constituting a kind of Inka textile language, that became symbolic, in the Colonial era, of a pan-Andean ideal. Research into Inka and Colonial textiles continues to evolve, through investigation of archaeological, archival and ethnohistorical sources. New research areas also come from collaborations between museum curators and scholars working with collections, along with scientists and archaeologists who together can produce in-depth studies of the materials and techniques. Such collaborations, for example on the analysis of the J. Paul Getty Museum’s (Los Angeles, California) Friar Martín de Murúa early 17th century manuscript (General History of Peru) where scientists, scholars, conservators, and curators can provide new insights. The area of textile studies can greatly benefit from such collaborative projects, where conservators’ and scientists’ perspectives can illuminate features of the material culture. Since the majority of Inka  26 E. Phipps textiles in museum collections in fact have little or no archaeological context, these material- based studies may help our contextualization. With a broad goal to examine the significance of production and process, the study of the making and meaning of textiles can enrich our understanding of the Inka in the Andean world.  27 E. Phipps Figure Captions Figure 1. Inka male tapestry tunic with checkerboard design. Ica Regional Museum, Ica, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 2. Acllaconas (cloistered women) spinning. Guaman Poma de Ayala. Fol.0300. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/300/en/text/?open=idm46287306191616. Figure 3. Llamas in the upper Loa River, Atacama, northern Chile. Photo by Izumi Shimada. Figure 4. Cochineal insect on cactus, South Coast of Peru. Photo by Elena Phipps. Figure 5. Weaving using a back-strap loom. Ferreñafe, North Coast of Peru. Photo by I. Shimada. Figure 6. Upright tapestry loom Villa Ribero, Bolivia. 1998. Photo by E. Phipps Figure 7. Close-up of the weave of the Sicán bag (Object xx). The National Sicán Museum, Ferreñafe, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 8. Fine tapestry weave Inka male tunic with tocapu designs. National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History, Lima, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 9. The Fourth Queen: Chibo Mama Iachi Urma. Guaman Poma de Ayala. Fol.126. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/126/en/text/?open=idm46287306314368 Figure 10. A close up of the horizontal band of tocapu on an Inka male tunic. National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History, Lima, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 11. High quality miniature garments on the silver (tarnished dark) figurine excavated at the site of Túcume near the border of the Lambayeque and La Leche valleys, North Coast of Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii.  28 E. Phipps Figure 12. Anacu recovered at Pachacamac. The Pachacamac Site Museum, Lima. Photo by Daniel Giannoni. Figure 13. Colonial (17th century?) tapestry tunic woven in Cusco likely in the 17th century using cumbi. The small garment was intended to be placed on the stature of Christ the Child or possibly to be worn by a child. The front and the back sides have different designs, but both contain various Christian and European symbols such as the cross and the symmetrical pair of lions. The other side of the garment is blue and has the name “Diego Diaz” woven into it. The Inka Museum, Cusco, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 14. Guama Poma de Ayala 2006[1615/1616], folio 88; Drawing 26 showing the second Inka ruler, Sinchi Roca Inka, wearing a tunic with multiple rows of tocapu. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/88/en/text/?open=idm46287306339696 Figure 15. Colonial (18th century) portrait of Ñusta Inka, Inka princess, wearing her anacu and mantle. The Inka Museum, Cusco, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii. Figure 16. Details of the warp patterns woven with various types of threads including those (silk?) wrapped with silver laminas. Lámbarri-Orihuela Collection, Urubamba, Peru. Photo by Yutaka Yoshii.  29 E. Phipps Suggested Readings 1. Phipps, Elena, Hecht, Johanna, and Esteras, Cristina. The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork 1530-1830. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2004. Available to freely download: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/metpublications/the_colonial_andes_tapestries_and_silv erwork_1530_1830. 2. Rowe, Ann Pollard. Inka Weaving and Costume, The Textile Museum Journal 34-35: 5- 53. 1997. https://museum.gwu.edu/textile-museum-journal 3. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. Nueva Coronica y buen gobierno. http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htm 4. Murra, John V. Cloth and its function in the Inka state. American Anthropologist. Vol 64, Issue 4, pp 710-28. 1962. https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1525/aa.1962.64.4.02a00020 5. D’Harcourt, Raoul. Textiles of Ancient Peru and their Techniques. University of Washington, Seattle. 1975. Biography of Elena Phipps Elena Phipps, PhD in Precolumbian art history and archaeology (1989), Columbia University, NY, was Senior Conservator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City for over 34 years, where she also co-curated a major and highly awarded exhibition and catalogue Tapestries and Silverwork of the Colonial Andes in 2004. Since 2010 she has been Lecturer at University of  30 E. Phipps California Los Angeles (UCLA), teaching textile history, technique, and culture. Her work and many publications focus on the intersection between material, materiality, and culture in the world of textiles.