The Geography Of Nigeria And Her People PDF

Summary

This document covers the geography of Nigeria including physical geography covering climate, vegetation and regions. It also covers human geography including ethnic groups and culture. The document also looks at pre-colonial, colonial and post colonial economy of Nigeria including trade, agriculture and industrialization.

Full Transcript

THE GEOGRAPHY OF NIGERIA AND HER PEOPLE The geography of a country is an important variable for consideration as a determinant of a country’s territorial strength, air, sea and land borders, resource allocation mechanism, policy formulation and in fact external relations. As such, geography plays a...

THE GEOGRAPHY OF NIGERIA AND HER PEOPLE The geography of a country is an important variable for consideration as a determinant of a country’s territorial strength, air, sea and land borders, resource allocation mechanism, policy formulation and in fact external relations. As such, geography plays a crucial role in defining the behaviour of states in the international system as it relates to a wide range of geographical factors including environment, territory, size, space, location, population, natural resources etc. Thus, administrators, policy makers, government officials take into cognizance the geography of their country while making policies to guide their internal and external affairs. Aside from being instrumental in policy making, geography also determines the settlement pattern, occupation, and general way of life of the people indeed, culture (which is the distinct way of life a people) evolve as a mechanism adopted by man to adapt to his environment. Geographical study is therefore important to important to human existence. What then is geography? Geography studies the diverse environments, places, and spaces of earth’s surface and their interactions with humans. It is coined from two Greek words-“geo” which means earth and “graphein” which means to write or study, thus, geography means to study or write about the earth. The term geography was however first used in 240 BC in the book Geographica by the Greek geographer, Eratosthenes who is referred to as the father of geography. The emergence of geography as a field of study can thus be traced to the Greeks. Geography can be defined the scientific study of the earth's surface, physical features, divisions, climate, products, population, etc. Geography can also be defined as the study of the features of the earth and its atmosphere, and, of human activity as it affects and is affected by these, including the distribution of populations and resources and political and economic activities. Geography is thus particular about the human’s environment and its interception with other aspects of human life. Geography is the chorological science of the earth or the science of the earth areas and places in terms of their differences and their spatial relations. Geography is the science of interpretation of the distribution charge of holding the facts, finding the relationship between human beings with the physical environment. BRANCHES OF GEOGRAPHY Every field of study has its areas of specialization (since virtually all disciplines have a wide range of scope and, no man is an island of knowledge). It is therefore important to have an understanding of the various aspects of geographical studies as we assess the relationship between man and his environment. Basically, there are two main branches of geography namely: Physical geography and, Human geography. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY This is the aspect of geography that is most known to many of us. Just as the name implies, it studies the earth’s physical or visible natural environment which is characterized by the atmosphere, hydrosphere, geosphere and lithosphere- hill, valley, mountain, ocean, river, vegetation, rocks, plateau, air, land, the solar system, climate, weather etc. All these put together makes the surface of the earth the way it is. HUMAN GEOGRAPHY Human geography looks at man’s interaction with the environment and the impact of this interaction on both the environment and man. In other words, this branch studies human activities that make the earth surface the way it is. THE GEOGRAPHY OF NIGERIA: AN OVERVIEW We shall now consider the physical and human geography of Nigeria. Nigeria is the most populous nation in Africa, located in the Western part of Africa is home to over 200 billion people. To the North, Nigeria shares land border with the Republic of Niger and Chad, Benin Republic in the West, Cameroon in the East and Gulf of Guinea and the Atlantic Ocean in the South. The country holds the distinction of being called the “Giant of West Africa” because of its size, population, and political presence. The country is named after River Niger, one of the influential rivers in the region. It was initially called Niger Area before it metamorphosed to Nigeria. The name was given by the British Journalist, Floral Shaw who eventually married the first British colonial Governor-General of the country, Lord Lugard. With the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates in 1914, the country Nigeria came to bear officially and, that also marked the official commencement of British colonial rule in Nigeria. The capital of the country is located at Abuja and, it is houses 36 states. Geopolitically, Nigeria is divided into six (6) zones namely: South-West (Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, and Lagos states) South East (Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, and Imo states), South-South (Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Rivers, Bayelsa, Edo, and Delta states), North-West (Kano, Kaduna, Zamfara, Sokoto, Kebbi, Kastina and Jigawa states), North-East (Bornu, Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa, Yobe, and Taraba states) and North-Central (Kogi, Kwara, Plateau, Niger, Benue, and Nasarawa states). Nigeria is an heterogonous country with over 500 ethnic groups (the major ones being Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo) who speak diverse dialects and engaged in variant cultural practices. Regardless of the variation in the cultural practices of the people, Nigeria has a rich vibrant cultural environment reflected in their customs, traditions, values, language, food, mode of dressing, artistic creations etc. There is no gainsaying that Nigeria is a religious state and, the people express their belief in the supernatural via three (3) major religions namely: Christianity i.e those who believe and are followers of Jesus Christ; Islam i.e the religion practice by the Muslim adherents who follow after Prophet Mohammed and; Traditional Religion i.e those who practice indigenous beliefs hinged on worship of deities and some other natural elements. With respect to weather and climate, there two main seasons: the wet season also known as the rainy season and the dry season also known as the harmattan. The dry season usually lasts from December to March while the wet season lasts from April to November with a short period without downpour in August which is referred to as August break. However, there is variation in the length, period and intensity of the two seasons from one location to another. For instance, the effect of harmattan is usually more intense in Northern Nigeria when compared with the South. Generally however, the climatic/weather condition is favourable in Nigeria when compared to other regions of the world for instance Europe. The vegetation also varies regionally in consonance with the climatic and rainfall pattern or distribution, and some other geographical factors such as high altitude (promoting orographic rainfall), wind direction and so on. The vegetation belt of Nigeria is however grouped majorly into two namely: the Forest Vegetation Belt and the Savannah Vegetation Belt. The forest belt is characterized by a large proportion of trees growing very close to each other (forming canopy) to protect the environment while, the savannah belt comprises of grassland with scattered trees that are sufficiently wide enough so that canopy does not exist. The forest vegetation is found predominantly in the southern part of the country while, the savannah vegetation is found in the northern part of the region. The forest vegetation belt is sub-divided into Mangrove/Swampy Forest and Tropical Rain Forest while, the savannah vegetation is sub-divided into Guinea savannah, Sudan savannah and Sahel savannah. GEOGRAPHY AND PEOPLE OF THE MANGROVE/SWAMPY FOREST This vegetation belt is considered one of the most ecologically sensitive in the world. It is a riverine settlement characterized by wetlands, creeks, lagoons, swamps, waterways and deltas. This region of the country is generally known as the Niger Delta which represents the coastal state of the Nigerian State where the oil rivers is found. It is the third largest delta in the world sand, the largest in Africa. The trees grow close together, forming a tangled mess with many roots which sack out of the swampy soil. Approximately, 80% of this vegetation is distributed in three (3) states-Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers of the Niger Delta and, the remaining 20% spread across others parts of the region and parts of Lagos, Ogun and Ondo states (which equally share the features of coastal cities). The pre-colonial people in this region had a decentralized government. They were fragmented societies existing as village groups and clans. These villages were administered by council of elders presided over by the most senior. Some of these communities however eventually rose to become kingdoms and one of such was the Itsekiri Kingdom which adopted the monarchical system of government in which power was centralized in the hands of the king, Olu. The ethnic groups that can be found in this region include Ijaw, Iteskiri, Efik, Urohbo, Isoko, and Ibibio among others. In the present day, the region houses all the sates in South-south geopolitical zone to include Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Rivers, Bayelsa, and Delta states (with the exception of Edo). Since time immemorial, the economy of this region has revolved around oil production and merchandising as the economy transited from production of oil (palm oil) to oil (crude oil). Owing to the topography of the region as a riverine settlement, the people engage predominantly in fishing it is however not uncommon to find people from this region who are professionals at fishing and swimming. As an adjunct to fishing, the people also engage in arable farming which complements the people’s aquatic diet. They plant crops such as yam, cassava, oil palm, raffia palm, coconut etc. Water transportation is the commonest system of transportation in the region because, a vast proportion of land is covered by water. The existence of forest makes accessibility to wood easy for construction of canoe possible which is important for transportation and fishing activities. As such, in addition to fishing and farming, the people engage in wood carving. Aside from wood carving, the people also engaged in salt production, pottery, and cloth weaving. Aboh was specifically notable for cloth weaving. It was from this center that the finished products were transported to other parts of the Niger-Delta. The geography of the region influences the beliefs of the people in the supernatural which is reflected in their worship of water goddesses who they believe control their affairs as riverine people. This region stands out as the only region in Nigeria where both men and women tie wrapper as dress. While the women wear their wrapper with blouses, the men wear theirs with embroidered shirt and, hat which became fashionable after the people’s contact with the Europeans. This region has however witnessed tremendous changes in recent decades which have led to alteration in the people’s culture and society. These changes were occasioned by the discovery of crude oil which has led to environmental pollution and ecological disaster in the region. GEOGRAPHY AND PEOPLE OF TROPICAL RAIN FOREST The tropical rain forest vegetation belt is also known as the Lowland Rainforest Zone. This vegetation belt covers the whole of southwestern Nigeria which houses present day Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, and Lagos states; south-eastern Nigeria- Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, and Imo states and parts of Edo state. Tropical forests are among the richest and most complex terrestrial ecosystems supporting a variety of life forms of not less than half of all species on earth and a tremendous intrinsic ability for self-regeneration if properly maintained. It houses economic trees such as Iroko, Mahogany, Timber, African Teak, Obeche, Bamboo among others. In this region, ethnic groups such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Edo, Esan, Owan, Estakọ, Emai and Ika are found. All the socio-cultural groups in this region belief in the presence of a supreme being who they believe control their affairs. This Supreme Being is however called different names by these ethnic groups for instance, the Yoruba call him Olodumare, the Igbo address this Supreme Being as Chukwu, the Edo refer to him as Osanobua. They however assess this Supreme Being through some lesser deities who are varying from one ethnic group to another. The presence of forest in this region enabled people to carve figurines representing these deities who they believe reside inside them. In the pre-colonial era, the kind of deity individuals worshipped was influenced by their occupation. For instance, the hunters worshipped Ogun, the god of iron and this was hinged on the fact that, the hunters made use of implements made from iron to carry out their vocation. With respect to government, the people practiced centralization and decentralization. The Yoruba and Edo practiced centralized (precisely monarchy with the monarch/king at the helm of affairs assisted in administration by chiefs) while, the Igbo adopted a decentralized government (in which administration was done by a council of elders being presided over by the most senior- Okpara). As a result of the rich biodiversity in the region, the people engaged predominantly in arable farming which involved cultivation of both food (yam, potatoes, cassava, maize etc.) and cash crops (cocoa, rubber, coffee etc.). The people also engaged in pastoral farming even though, their involvement was not as prevalent as in northern Nigeria. A bulk of the male population however engage in hunting for animals from which they obtain bush meat (which contribute to their diet) and contribute to their source of livelihood. Aside from agriculture, the people also engage in production of arts and crafts with materials found in their immediate environment. These include metal works, pottery, alcohol brewing, soap making, cloth weaving and dying, sculpting, production of excellent art works among others. GEOGRAPHY AND PEOPLE OF THE GUINEA SAVANNAH The region now geo-politically referred to as North-central. In addition to the middle belt, this vegetation belt is also found in present day Adamawa and Taraba states. It is a more stable vegetation than the rain forest, and less liable to destruction. This region records annual rainfall of between 1000-1500mm for about 6 to 8 months (from March to October yearly) This region is inhabited by the Idoma, Igala, Igbira, Birom, Igala, Okun Yoruba, Bunu, Tiv, Koto, Nupe, Gwari, Jukun, Anok among others who inhabit present day Kwara, Kogi, Niger, Benue, Plateau Nasarawa, Adamawa and Taraba states. Owing to the plethora of the ethnic groups in this region, there exist diverse cultural practices among them which reflect the culture of each of these ethnic groups mentioned above. They all took to the decentralized form of government with the exception of the Nupe and Jukun who later adopted highly centralized government. The presence of river Niger and Benue in the region contribute significantly to the fertility of the soil in the region. The indigenous people therefore took to farming since they enjoy fertile land. They planted crops such as yam, cassava, potatoes, millet, guinea corn, shea butter plant etc. The presence of the river also enables the people in this region to engage in fishing of some sort. GEOGRAPHY AND PEOPLE OF THE SUDAN SAVANNAH This vegetation belt is dominant in the Northern part of the country and, it stretches from the Sokoto Plains through the Northern section of the High Plains of Nigeria to Chad Basin. This zone covers the core northern states of the country to include Sokoto, Kano, Kaduna, Bauchi, Gombe, and Bornu states among others which invariably mean that the vegetation belt is indigenous to the Hausa and Kanuri. It is located very closely to the Sahel savannah. It is characterized by short grasses about 1-2mm high which are shorter, less tussocky and featherier and, some stunted trees species. The region experience annual rainfall between 600-1000mm. As a result of the topography of the region it experiences seasonal fire during the dry season and, it therefore houses fire-resistance. The Sudan savannah is characterized by high rainfall variability which often leads to soil erosion (in cases of heavy downpour) and drought (in the event of low rainfall) which poses threat to agricultural production in the region. That notwithstanding however, the people adopted irrigation system which ensure production of crops all through the year. Coupled with this, the type of soil in the region encourages production of grain crops and rearing of livestock. For instance, the dry sandy soil in the region encourages cultivation of millet, guinea corn, sorghum, beans, maize and groundnut while, the sandy terraces ensures cultivation of tobacco, cotton, cassava, onion among other crop species/tress predominantly. In addition to agriculture, the people also engage in crafts production such as leather works, perfumery, mat making among others. GEOGRAPHY AND PEOPLE OF THE SAHEL SAVANNAH The Sahel savannah is found in the extreme northeastern and northwestern part of the country located in between the Sahara desert to the north and the savannah to the south. This region is characterized by short and tussocky grass and trees (4-9mm high) which covers the land area with annual rainfall of between 100-200mm mostly in June, July, and August and, dry season exceeding 8months. This is the desert-like or semi-arid region of the country, a physical feature which makes the region prone to drought on an annual basis especially during the dry season. The climatic condition of this region is usually very harsh during the dry season. The region is inhabited by the Fulani, Hausa, Kanuri, Bororo and other minority groups. The people are predominantly farmers who engage in pastoral farming (especially the cattle Fulani) as the area supports a large population of cattle, sheep, pack, ox and goats. As a result of the topography of the region, the pastoral farmers adopt the nomadic lifestyle which requires them to move from one location to another in search for pasture or grazing field for their cattle (especially during the dry season). They also engage in arable farming (majorly grain crops) but rely heavily on irrigation for their farmlands from Lake Chad which is now shrinking up has affected adversely the economy of the people. The indigenous people (especially women) engage in mat weaving, pot making, calabash decoration etc. They lived in mud houses with thatched roof from grasses. The Sahelians had early contact with the Arabs who introduced Islam to Africa and, have thus being culturally incorporated into the Islamic world. An aspect of the Eurocentric view of precolonial Africa is a continent with no history and white people could not organize and properly govern themselves. A continent without civilization, no system of government worthy of studying, a continent with barbaric people who were bent on eliminating one another in the “war of all against all”. The Europeans believed that Africans only became civilized person due to their contact with the whites. They believed that if the whites had not come to colonized and “civilized” Africans, the people of Africa would have remained backward, and uncivilized and possibly have eliminated one another in the endless wars of all against all, which was the order of the day. In the past Britannica( which was the past of Britain)was seen as necessary to prevent Africans from eliminating one another. This Eurocentric view of precolonial Africa is also sometimes referred to as Eurocentricism. Eurocentricism gave rise to Afrocentrism which is the belief by Africans to ……….. African history from African perspectives. It is a concerted effort by African historians to show that Africans had rich cultures, traditions, and organized ways of ruling themselves and a civilized society before the contact with the white man to ascribe the development and civilization of African people to their contact with the white man. Evidence abounds to substantiate the argument that African societies were organized and civilized before the coming of the white man. A peep into the history of the pre-colonial socio-political systems of some of the ethnic groups in pre-colonial Nigeria will give us insight into the level of sophistication of the African societies in the period under review. The Yoruba: The Yoruba occupy the area of southwestern Nigeria. They are believed to be the descendants of Oduduwa. Before colonial rule, the political unit on which the government was based in …… the Yoruba kingdoms was the town(Ilu). Each kingdom consisted of the capital which served as the central government and the subordinate towns which served as the local government. At both the central and local levels, the system of government was monarchical; that is, it was headed by a king known as “Oba”. The Oba usually wore a gown. But in a town where the Oba was not entitled to wear a crown, the head of government, usually a local government was referred to as the “Baale” which means “Father of the Land”. The functions of the Oba or Baale were similar. Usually, the Oba of a particular town or kingdom had a specific title peculiar to him. This explains why we have; The Ooni of Ife, The Alaafin of Oyo, The Alake of Ake(Later of Abeokuta), The Owa Obokun of Ijesha, The Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, The Elekole of Ikole, The Osemawe of Ondo, Deji of Akure, etc. The Oba was regarded as divine and in theory possessed absolute powers. Some of his attributes are Oba Alase, and Ekeji Orisa(King, ruler and companion of gods). He was addressed as Kabiyesi(meaning there is no questioning of your authority). Simply put, the Oba in theory had the power of life and death over his subjects and was a divine king, not accountable to them for any of his acts. However, in practice, the Oba was not an absolute ruler. It is a truism that he could arrest, punish or even behead his people without trial. But such powers were to be exercised with justification. Moreover, the powers of the Oba were checked in many ways. First, he ruled with a council known as “Igbimo”. In some places, the council had specific names. In Oyo, they were called Oyo-Mesi. In Ijebu-Ode, they were called Ilamuren. In Egba, they were known as Ogboni. In Ife, Ijesa and Ondo, they were called Iware. The Igbimo usually consisted of senior chiefs who were representatives of certain lineages. These chiefs were also required in some towns and kingdoms to be members of Osugbo or Ogboni cults. An example of this was Ijebu and Egba Kingdoms. Second, the Oba ruled the Kingdom in consultation with the Igbimo, and he could not make any laws or take any decisions on matters of fundamental importance to the town without consulting the Igbimo. If the Oba became autocratic, the Igbimo could rise against him. How the Igbimos I.e council of chiefs would rise against the Oba differs from kingdom to kingdom. However, the best-known example is that of the Oyo Kingdom. In the Old Oyo empire, the Igbimo known as “Oyo-Mesi”, could reject the Alaafin-the Oba if he acted ultra vires or became oppressive. The Alaafin could be asked to open to calabash-that is to commit suicide. The sentence of rejection was often pronounced by the Bashorun, who was the head of Oyo-Mesi, which was “The gods reject you, earth rejects you, the people reject you”, Any Alaafin who was rejected in this manner was to commit suicide. In Ijebu and Egba towns, the Osogbo or Ogboni cults so dominated the government that they virtually became the boss of the Oba, making it difficult for him to become a despot. Third, the Igbimo could organise a generated insurrection of the people to get rid of an oppressive ruler by all means, including assassination. It is important to note that the defence of the kingdom was usually in the hands of the Aare Ona Kakanfo, as was the case in the Oyo Empire. The Aare Ono Kakanfo was the head of the army. He was usually of humble background and was forbidden to enter the capital city except with the permission of the Alaafin. He and his chiefs known as Eso were expected to be loyal to the Alaafin, but their promotion in the military was dependent on the Oyo- Mesi. From the above, we could see that the pre-colonial political system was a complex one in which though there was no clear separation of powers, there were checks and balances which ensured smooth administration of the kingdoms. The Igbo: The Igbo people occupy the southeastern part of Nigeria. The origin of the Igbo people has been a subject of discourse. Some schools of thought have claimed that the Igbos originated from the East; principally through the Jews. This was due to their culture of circumcision. Others have said that the Igbos have always been where they are from time immemorial. Politically, the Igbos operated a decentralized or segmentary political system. The process of government was never centralized except in a few places like Onitsha and Oguta. The governmental system operated at the kingship level. Thus, kingship was a very important factor in Igbo political structure. Various social units were based on kingship too. In the Igbo political structure, the family which consists of the Father, Mother and their children was the smallest political unit. This was followed by the extended family comprising of man, his wife(wives), children, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunties etc. The kindred or lineage was the next to the extended family. The kindred lineage was made up of different extended families with common ancestry. After the lineage or kindred is the village made up of different kindreds with common ancestry. This is followed by the town, which is comprised of several villages with a common ancestry. The tiwn9which is referred to as clan in some cases) was the highest political unit. It is important to note that at the various levels mentioned above, the elders who were the Ofo holders(the Igbo staff of authority) played prominent roles. The oldest person was usually a man. If the extended family, kindred and village levels, the oldest man(Okpara) usually assumed the head. He was joined by the adult male members in the decision-making process. We should note that there was equally at the village level, a council of elders which was made up of the oldest men from the constituent kindreds and a few privileged “indigenes”. This council usually held private sessions and took decisions on certain important issues and later announced this to the village assembly for approval. At the town level, member villages sent representatives after due consultation with the various interest groups. The representatives took decisions that were binding on the constituent villages. However, an exception to this was during periods of emergencies, such as wars. In such situations, an assembly of adult males was summoned to make decisions. The age grade system, and Ozo titled societies/cults/secret societies also played significant roles in the political administration of Igbo land. The age grades, especially the youths acted as soldiers of each village or town. The army was usually drawn from different age grades. The age grades were also used to enforce laws and decisions of the village assembly. The priest played special roles in the dispensation of justice while the Ozo title holders which was an exclusive society or clubs for wealthy men(who performed the expensive rights of membership) played the role of intervening in the disputes to ensure peace among the warring factions. The Hausa-Fulani: They occupy the northern part of Nigeria. The Hausa particularly are a mixture of tribal and racial groups of Negro farmers and Nomadic Berbers from the desert. Before the Jihad of 1804 led by Usman Dan Fodio, and the introduction of Islam as a consequence, Hausaland was typically African in culture. They had kings and councils of chiefs who administered the kingdoms and were traditional idol worshippers. Although a few of the population were Muslims, the majority were not. The actions and ways of governance of the Hausa were considered by some Muslims especially Usman Dan Fodio as unIslamic. Among other factors which include: economic, political and social factors, were what led to the Jihad of 1804, which eventually changed the political system and structure of Hausaland, as the caliphate system was introduced with the Sharia code as the code of governance across the areas conquered by the Jihadist. Usman Dan Fodio divided the caliphate system into the western Emirates, which he appointed his brother, Abdullahi to take charge of and the eastern emirate which he gave charge to his son, Bello. The headquarters of the western emirate which include Ilorin and Nupe, was Gwandu. Sokoto was the capital or headquarters of the eastern emirates which included: Zamfara, Katsina, Kano, Daura, Bauchi and Katagum. In this political setting, the Caliph appointed the Wazir who served as his representative in the emirate and acted on his behalf on all matters of appointment. The Kofa, also appointed by the Caliph was his judicial officer through whom all appeals from emirates came to the Caliph’s court in Sokoto. The emirates paid regular tribute in cash and kind to the Caliph and also collected taxes. The judicial system was based on the Sharia code. THE ECONOMY OF NIGERIA IN THE PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD The people of the area that later in the colonial period became known as Nigeria had a dynamic economy. The dynamism arose from the fact that he economy was diversified. Hence, there is no ioa of truth in the claim by many Eurocentric writers that the people lived as self-sustained islands. Before the incorporation of Nigeria into the global capitalist system, the various Nigeria groups were involved in different forms of economic activities. The nature and extent of economic differentiation were determined by geographical variations. The division therefore produced different ecological conditions. This in turn led to specialization of production with the North producing cereals groundnuts, cotton, cattle and hides. The south produced kolanuts, palm oil and palm kernel, 7cocoa, rubber, yam, banana, salt and so on. Generally speaking, the economy comprised of agricultural products, non-agricultural products and distribution of the various products. Agriculture no doubt was the mainstay of the economy. Food crops and non-food crops were produced using crude implements such as hoes and cutlasses among others and through such farming methods as crop rotation, shifting cultivation or bush fallowing and mixed farming among others. In Borno for example food crops like sweet potatoes and beans were cultivated while rice, corn and onion were cultivated in Sokoto. Generally, vegetation in Northern Nigeria did not encourage the production of root crops. In addition, non-food crops like cotton, tobacco and indigo were grown in such places as Nupeland, Kano, and Bauchi. Besides, Pasturation was majorly practised in the North. Other food and nonfood crops were produced in other parts of the country. Apart from agricultural products, some groups were involved in some manufacturing. Oftentimes the availability of raw materials, local technology and needed skill determine the type of manufacturing in which people engaged.Thus, the availability of clay, cotton and leather determine the location of as well as the participation of people in pottery, textile weaving and leatherwork respectively. For instance, the Yoruba had local textile industries. So were the Hausa who were associated with leather production. Nigeria textile products, until very late in the nineteenth century competed Lancashire producers out of the market. Apart from the fact that the local producers satisfied the intrinsic tastes of the people better their products were superior. Macgregor Laird, during the Niger expedition of 1830-1832 found great difficulty selling his cloth. It was the colonial anti-industrial policies which killed this and similar activities. In the savannah area was found the heart of the leather industries which among other things produced such leather goods as saddler, slippers, handbags and purses. Various leather goods were exported to Morocco, Tripoli, and other North African countries for re-export to Europe where the so called Moroccan leather commanded high prices. Soap, basket, mat, canoe and wood industries were already advancing prior to the imperial incursion. The glass industry at Bida was satisfying the needs of local and long distance trade. The Igbo produced iron implements such as cutlasses and hoes to mention only a few. Cooking materials were also produced especially by the pottery industry. In fact, in almost every agricultural area activities were supplemented by some manufacturing which did not usually stop at the production of agricultural implements. This is the sense in which it can be held that the pre-colonial economy was diversified. Thus Ebira cloth reached the neighbouring peoples and there was as outward flow of iron from Bauchi to surrounding areas. Apart from supplying neighbouring people with mat, Nupe was an important meeting point for various economic regions. Like the agricultural and leather products, cloth was also exported. H.Bindlors observes that Kano cloth was sold in southern Morocco. Most of the exported items went beyond North Africa and found markets in Europe, in the middle and Far East. The natural arrangement among different Nigerian groups made trade among the various Nigerian groups inevitable. Thus, the Urhobo and the Itsekiri were involved in common commerce, the Edo and the peoples of Yoruba North East, the peoples of Benue valley and the South-Eastern peoples, the Yoruba and the Hausa as well as other ethnic groups traded together. Even when an area satisfied itself in the production of certain items, the area still depended on its neighbours in times of such natural disaster like drought or locust invasion. The cattle Fulani for example, relied on their neighbours whenever they faced the problem of cattle epidemic. This would indicate that commerce was developed even among groups that had geographical affinities. Similarly, the Nigerian peoples interacted with their other African neighbours like the Aja peoples in present day Benin Republic, the Madinka especially the Ajula, the Akan peoples of present day Ghana as well as some Camerounian groups. Studies which have made this a stubborn fact have shattered to pieces the imperial idea that the various Nigerian peoples before the colonial period were isolated from one another. There was also trade across the Sahara desert, i.e the Trans-Saharan trade. However, a major characteristics of the traditional economy of pre-colonial Nigeria was underdevelopment. The production of goods and services could not be sumptuously enhanced because of certain constraints. The constraints are not unconnected with capital, transport and communication and crude technology among others. But the fact of underdevelopment should not be exaggerated, for the economy performed within the standard required of it, given the time and setting. Indeed, the traditional economy functioned up to the needs of pre-colonial Nigeria. For instance, the Nigerian communities were attractive to European visitors, explorers, missionaries and traders essentially because the economy that supported the politics succeeded in producing goods and services to cater for the needs of the citizens. For this reason, it is difficult to agree with the view that characterized the economy of pre-colonial Africa as subsistence. By describing the traditional economy as “subsistence economy”, it is implied that the economy was so rudimentary, that production was essentially meant for local consumption, that exchange was not involved as if the communities of pre- colonial Nigeria were a lake of inland drainage. But this could not be true especially as it has been pointed out above that natural arrangement made trade among the various Nigerian groups inevitable. Therefore characterizing the traditional economy as subsistence economy would deny it, its inherent dynamism, efficiency and diversification. Nevertheless, there is a sense according to Dr. Wale Oyemakinde, in which all economic activities from one civilization to another had to take care of the need for subsistence. In this sense, the economic activities in pre-colonial Nigeria just like every other parts of West Africa were geared towards meeting certain needs and demands which although were in the first instance inward looking, that is local needs, the economic activities also accommodated non-local needs. People within the same community traded with one another. Production took care of subsistence while intra-community transaction also featured. To this extent the traditional economy took care of the need for subsistence and went beyond that to accommodate exchange of goods and services with communities of the neighbourhood and even far beyond. Thus, it will not be apt to refer to the traditional economy of pre-colonial Nigeria as subsistence economy. To do that would be to see it from one aspect that is ignoring the extra local and territorial dimension. For the evidence is clear that foreign travelers (Arab and European visitors) in the period under review noted that savannah based goods were found in the markets of the forest regions down south just as forest based goods were located in different markets across the Sahara to the Meditteranean region and even beyond. Indeed the Arab and European accounts noted the flourishing economy which supported the communities. At this juncture, one can reach a conclusion on the pre-colonial economy that goods and services have moved with the man. The communities of pre-colonial Nigeria were linked by networks of transportation and communication facilitating the dispersal of goods, services, men and ideas. Indeed the domestic economy from one pre-colonial Nigerian community to another created a surplus for exports as a remedy for the consumption of goods and services that would have been produced from outside community and therefore would have been imported. As it were the communities demonstrated commercial resourcefulness. Thus when the British came in the nineteenth century, the Nigerian peoples were already involved in production on a scale that went far beyond subsistence level. They traded among themselves and with the outside world. By 1900, Britain had in fact established its administration. And although the British came ostensibly to bear the burden of “civilising‟the peoples of Nigeria, no efforts whatsoever was made to transform the pre-colonial economic system. THE COLONIAL ECONOMY The period after the Industrial Revolution in England was characterized by the emergence of legitimate commerce. In West Africa, this period was characterised by the abolition of slave trade. The abolition of slave trade and new European economic activities in Africa were in response to economic situation in Europe and not the other way round as suggested by some eurocentric writers. Slave labour had become an obstacle to the development of Industrial capitalism. The dominant motive therefore was the need for cheap source of raw materials and food and the search for lucrative markets for European goods. The factors above combined with the loss of American colonies as well as the improvement in overseas transportation encouraged European importation of agricultural products and minerals rather than slaves from West Africa. The need for commerce and trade was the major motive behind European‟s incursion into Africa. The main economic activities of the Europeans in West Africa were agriculture, mining, trade, finance and shipping. Vegetable oils became Africa‟s staple export to Europe in the 19th century and palm kernels and groundnuts were added in the second half of the century. The expansion of exports of palm products and groundnuts was in response to industrial growth in Europe which led to a rise in the demand for oil and fat. Palm oil was used in the production of soap, lubricants and candles especially in Britain which became known as the world‟s workshop. Soap was required for cleansing the working population in the urban centres. Lubricants were needed to oil the new machinery, especially the railway; and candles were in demand for lighting the expanding towns and factories. Palm kernels, though jointly produced with palm oil were at first not in demand in Europe. Indeed, the Germans were the first Europeans to make demands for palm kernels on a large scale. They possessed effective machinery for the extraction of the oil and developed an extensive market for the kernel products particularly as margarine and the kernel cake as cattle feed. Groundnuts were used mainly in the manufacture of cooking oil and soap. Other commodities, many of which had been shipped abroad before the 19th century continued to be exported after abolition. The most important of these were guns from Senegal; rubber, hides and skins; kolanuts; beniseeds; timber; ivory; cotton; shea butter and bananas from various parts of the forest zone. Hides and skins were used for leather and rubber for tyres and other products. Cotton was required on a large scale in textile industries in Lancashire, Britain. The British and French wanted cocoa for their chocolate confectioneries industries and coffee, tea and cocoa became essentials as beverages. Similarly, Europeans needed African mineral products. Gold, the first mineral that the Europeans sought in Africa remained the most important. It was found in the Gold Coast (now Ghana) in Northern and Southern Rhodesia (now) Zambia and Zimbabwe). The production of cash crops for export spearheaded the incorporation of the majority of Africans into the colonial economy. The vegetable oils could be produced efficiently and on a small scale by peasant producers possessing little capital, employing family labour and using traditional tools. Moreover, land was cheap and readily available. Legitimate trade therefore enabled small scale farmers and traders to play important role in the overseas exchange economy for the first time. Trade in staple commodities was more beneficial to the Europeans, since they were the organizers and the introducers of some of the crops, such as cassava, maize and cocoyam. Not much money accrued to the Africans as the trade was monopolized by the British, French and their imperialist agents like the SCOA, UAC and John Holt. Besides, the purchase of indigenously grown agricultural crops was always in the hands of Europeans. But the fact remains, nonetheless, that it was a step forward when compared to the slave trade, the African now had a bargaining purchasing power. Furthermore, Liverpool, Nantes, Bordeaux, Marseille and Hamburg benefited immensely from the staple export. Legitimate commerce undoubtedly favoured Britain, France and Germany more than any African states. Britain in particular, being the first industrialized nation, was in a position to cater for the mass market which was beginning to emerge in West Africa. Although, wage labour was introduced to West Africa, much greater wealth accrued to the Europeans. West Africa‟s raw materials entered a wide range of manufacturing processes and the price paid for them and the volume required were dictated by industrial Europe. West African producers had to accept the price paid by the imperialist because they were unable to control the volume of palm produce and groundnuts placed at the market and because the industrialized countries could buy alternative competing products from other underdeveloped regions. By 1850, staple items cost half and in some cases, only a quarter of what they had at the start of the century. In exchange for African exports, Europeans sent mainly manufactured products especially textiles, salt and alcohol. By flooding the sub-continent with shoddy manufactures and importing such valuable raw materials as gold, ivory and palm oil, the imperialists discouraged domestic production of manufactured goods and precluded the development of the requisite domestic technology. This is due to the fact that the Africans so much concentrated most of his energies in producing exports for Europe that he hardly had time to produce enough salt or textiles for his own use. He therefore, had to rely more and more on imports from Europe. Vital opportunities for technological development were thus destroyed or inhibited by the imperialists. To further discourage indigenous production of these manufactured goods, obnoxious laws were made to endure local manufacturing of commodities such as iron, alcohol among others. For instance, the 1910 mineral proclamation was enacted which stipulated that an applicant for mining lease should have sufficient working capital to ensure the proper development and working of the mines and might be required to supply the Governor with reports on the matter made by competent engineers. Likewise in 1910 and 1912, laws were enacted to prohibit local production of alcohol, therefore, alcohol produced locally by this time were regarded as inferior and thus termed “illicit”. To further maintain their hold on Africa, the Europeans provided both social and physical infrastructure. Consequently, with the merchants came the missionaries and educated African ex- slaves. Through the Christian missions, western literacy was introduced into West Africa. This led to the emergence of a new group of elite that formed the nucleus of the new middle class. Apart from serving as intermediaries between the Europeans and the Africans, this group became useful tools in the hands of the colonists to advance their selfish political and economic advantages. Similarly in order to promote export trade with Africa, the imperial powers built ports and harbours. The introduction of the steamship, towards the end of the 19th century made it possible to transport a wide range of perishable goods and other bulky vegetable products and enabled Europe to economise on capital. The steamship also guaranteed regularity of service, reduced the time spent in ports and so lowered running costs. Within Africa, in their respective areas of influence, the imperialists built railways and roads. This was because the existing transport system became insufficient in moving the staples from the hinterlands to the ports and harbours for onward transmission to the metropole. Even though it appears that the railways were built more for imperial than economic reasons, nonetheless, the railways boosted the production of groundnuts in Senegal and Northern Nigeria and of Cocoa in Western Nigeria. It also encouraged wage labour, though in most cases, forced labour was used by the imperial powers. However, it should be noted that the policy of constructing these physical infrastructural facilities served one major objective. Their primary aim was to advance imperialist trade and the transfer of economic surplus from the colonies to the metropole. Meanwhile, events in Europe actually became the ultimate factor which led to the partition of the continent. The economic depression transmitted by the industrial nations caused England, France and Germany to come into conflict with each other. Their rivalry and bitter competition which was a reflection of the shifts in the balance of economic and political power in Europe, led to partition and subjugation of Africa which was completed in the 1900s. For instance, France though encouraged by the German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismarck, had to turn its attention to securing colonies in Africa as a face saving measure after it was defeated in the Franco-Prussian war where it lost two important coal and iron cities of Alsace and Lorraine. Other aspects of colonial economy are currency, marketing boards and research Institutes. The introduction of modern currency had a profoundly unsettling effects on West African trade. Apart from making it easier for foreigners and newcomers to enter West Coast Commerce, It also got West Africa firmly entrenched in the capitalist monetary system as a periphery in the colony-metropole relationships. British and French silver coins and currencies were the major means of exchange. They were acceptable for virtually all goods and services. Even though, modern money helped to increase the number and variety of possible transactions, the decline of these currencies associated with a fall in the cost of supplying them to West Africa, made the Africans dependent on and at a disadvantage with imperial Europe vis-à-vis monetary transactions. The marketing board system was another instrument of colonial exploitation, introduced by the metropolitan powers to maintain a firm grip over the economy of the West African colonies. They were established for the sake of the export of crops such as cocoa, cotton and groundnut. In Nigeria, marketing board for cocoa was established in 1947 and for groundnut and palm oil produce in 1949. Senegal and other colonial territories had similar boards to monitor the production, sale and export of groundnut to France. Though their stated objective was the seasonal stabilization of export-crop prices, they also played the fiscal role of appropriating agricultural surplus for their metropoles. The actual operation of the marketing board had many elements. It engaged in the bulk purchase of the whole export surplus of oil products, groundnuts, beniseed. Beside that, the board usually fixed next seasonal producer prices well ahead of harvest for an entire crop season. This was the essence of price equalization and these producer prices were by far below world prices. In addition, marketing boards also took part in produce trading and paid differential prices for different grades of produce. As a result of this, the marketing boards accumulated huge trading surpluses which were turned over, not to the poor African peasant farmers, but to the British and French colonial governments. Between 1947 and 1960, in Nigeria alone, there was a staggering surplus of well over £276.8million generated from the imperialist exploitation of the country‟s toiling and improverished peasants. Besides the marketing boards, the capitalist institutions which came into most direct contact with the African peasants were the colonial trading companies. They specialized in moving goods to and from colonies. The most noted were the French concerns such CFAO, SCOA as well as British controlled UAC and John Holts to mention few. They were responsible for expropriating a great proportion of Africa‟s wealth produced by peasant toil. Apart from agricultural products, mining and other mineral wealth such as tin, columbite and gold were also controlled by private metropolitan companies. Hence, it was they who appropriated the economic surplus generated in these sections. The Colonial Economy 2 By January 1, 1900, Britain had withdrawn the charter of the Royal Niger Company which the company had been granted in 1885/86 after the partition of Africa at the Berlin conference. Britain also established the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. These developments led to formal colonisation of Nigeria, a process which had started with the annexation of Lagos colony in 1861. As a colony, Nigeria was expected to serve two primary purposes namely as a source of cheap raw agricultural and mineral resources for British industries as well as assured and protected market for British manufactures. Agricultural produce such as palm oil and kernels, cocoa, groundnuts, forest products such as timber, and minerals such as tin were directly needed by British industry. Just like in the pre-colonial period, in the colonial period, agriculture was the backbone of the Nigerian economy. The sector was the chief employer of labour for the overwhelming majority of Nigerians who were farmers. The sector also accounted for over 90% of the GDP and about 85% of the country‟s foreign exchange earnings throughout the period. The wellbeing of the sector therefore imparted directly that of the other sectors. There were two sides to agriculture in the period under discussion, that is, export production and domestic production. The former aimed at external markets and the latter at the domestic market, however, no strict distinction need to be drawn between the two. Except for rubber, cocoa and coffee, the agricultural exports such as palm oil and kernels, groundnuts, beniseed and cotton had sizeable domestic markets. Export producers were most often domestic staple producers as well. For instance, expanding domestic market for some crops casts doubt on the aptness of the term „cash crops” which is often used synonymously with export crops as farmers who produced mostly for domestic markets did not necessarily fare worse than those who produced mostly for export. Export Production Colonial agricultural policy centred squarely on production for export. This is the basis upon which it is said that the true significance of the economic history of Nigeria in the period 1900 to 1945 lies in the growth of cash economy. While Production was in the hands of small-scale peasant farmers who employed traditional techniques and tools, only with respect to cocoa and coffee in Western Nigeria did large farmers emerge, some of them protégés of British trading firms or Leventine middlemen. The colonial authorities did very little to improve the production techniques of the peasants and paid no attention at all to domestic food production. Indeed, as Michael Crowder aptly puts it, in spite of the importance of agriculture in the colonial economy, government invested extremely little in the sector as expatriate firms were satisfied with their monopoly of the import-export trade mainly because of the proven capacity of the peasants to supply their export requirement. Factors that encouraged Production of Cash Crop The colonial period was characterised by stupendous growth in Nigeria‟s agricultural exports in spite of cyclical depressions the period witnessed. This was as a result of massive investment of Nigerian farmers in land, labour and capital. The expatriate concerns i.e government and private firms initiated various measures both direct and indirect as well as persuasive and coercive to get the peasant farmers produce more and more for export. Government and some firms such as the Niger Company and the BCGA established plant nurseries from where seedlings were distributed to farmers at subsidised prices or even free. Experimental and research stations were established for various crops and for livestock at such places as Umuahia, Zaria, Benin, Vom, Ibadan, Samaru and Kano during the 1920s and 1930s. The centers researched into high-yielding and pest –resistant crop strains, and on the rinderpest disease in the case of the livestock industry. Taxation was employed not only to bring revenue to government coffers but also to drive peasants to produce for the market and others to sell their labours to farmers or to toil in the mines. The railways manipulated wagon space in favour of export produce at the expense of domestic produce and thereby restricted the market for the latter. During the Second World War, administrative fiats were used to restrict domestic trade in foodstuffs while export production drive coerced peasants to produce more and more for export. Furthermore, colonialism introduced new responsibilities to peasants such as payment of their children‟s school fees while unrestricted importation of assorted European manufactured goods increased the appetites of farmers. Apparently, these factors coupled with the so-called revolution of rising expectations irresistibly drove peasants to the export sector. The colonial authorities and expatriate firms imported mechanical devices to increase the volume and improve the quality of the exports. These included palm oil hand pressers and mills and nut crackers, cotton ginning machines and hydraulic balers as well as cocoa seed dryers. Produce inspection was introduced early in the colonial era along with price differentials according to quality grades of export produce. The new modes of wheeled transport introduced in the country expanded the export-import trade frontiers, thus webbing hitherto infra-marginal agricultural areas into the emerging capitalist nexus. It should be noted as previously stated that the colonial authorities concentrated infrastructural development on areas of export production. The net result of all this was dramatic rise in the principal agricultural exports of Nigeria between the years 1900 and 1945. THE POST-COLONIAL ECONOMY OF NIGERIA With the advent of independence, Nigerians were full of great expectations. The nationalists who took over the governance of the country from the colonialists promised a bright future to all Nigerians with the promise that all colonial obstacles to economic and social empowerment and development will be dismantled. The post-colonial authority promised to give specific attention to agriculture which was the main stay of Nigeria‟s economy at independence. Hence, a wide range of programmes were experimented with it. Therefore, the post-colonial economic history of Nigeria can be divided into two broad periods of unequal durations. The first period, 1960-1969 which was the pre- petroleum era witnessed serious and committed efforts by government to invigorate the agricultural sector. In spite of efforts by government to match words with actions, the conceptual basis of the government programmes however were often doubtful and the results of the programmes often less sustainable. The second period, 1970-2000, the petroleum era was characterised by ambitious programmes, superfluous projections but minimal deeds and sectoral neglects. The Pre-Petroleum Era, 1960-1969 After independence, some of the colonial agricultural policies were continued, and in some instances, the marketing boards were retained and continued to exploit the peasant farmers until the Obasanjo regime reformed them in 1976. The agricultural research and demonstration institutes were also retained and new ones established. One of the most significant institutional transformations is the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, formerly known as Moor Plantation. This is today one of the leading institutions in Africa for research in tropical agriculture. The Institute has carried out successful researches which have yielded high response, post-resistant seeds. There were two noticeable approaches to agricultural improvement during this era namely the Northern approach and the Southern approach. The Southern area Programme which included the modernisation of the agricultural system as well as increasing the volume and quality of produce centred on tree-crop planting. Three approaches namely Plantations, the farm settlement and the smallholder schemes were adopted by governments of Southern Nigeria to achieve their aims. The plantation and the farm settlement approaches were similar and they involved government in the expropriation of vast areas of land. Both were capital-intensive and were aimed at young school leavers. Investment in tree crop planting during the 1962-1968 accounted for not less than 45% of planned capital allocations of the governments of the Eastern, Western and later Mid-Western Regions. It was a departure from the colonial practice which relied on the initiative of small- scale farmers receiving only facilitative aids from government. Official intervention and emphasis on direct production by government was to become the vogue. In a nut-shell, the schemes were not just aimed at improving the performance of the agricultural sector but also at raising the living standards of the rural dwellers, feeding a rapidly expanding urban population, providing raw materials to the industrial sector and generating revenue for government. The Northern approach on the other hand centred on a demonstration extension programme (DEP).This was enunciated in 1959 and executed by the Northern Regional Ministry of Agriculture. In this programme, Ministry officials “conducted demonstrations” on the farm plots of selected local farmers, applying a package of recommended techniques developed by the Ministry. A plot of half an acre was used in a demonstration. Half of the plot was planted according to the Ministry‟s recommended package, and the remaining half acre plot according to the farmer‟s traditional practice. Farmers from the neighbourhood were invited to observe each step of the planting and maintenance process, and yields of the two systems. The essence of the programme was to provide incentives along with complementary inputs to private farmers in their traditional institutional milieu. It was a device meant to disseminate improved farming techniques to a large number of farmers through the demonstration effect which was expected to improve crop yields. Interestingly, the crops covered included both the major domestic and the export crops of the Northern Region. The programme commenced with 400 demonstrations located mostly around Gombe and Gusau agricultural stations in Bauchi and Sokoto provinces, respectively. In 1965, the programme was extended to all the northern provinces, and involved 4,435 individual demonstrations. The following year alone 5,600 demonstrations were conducted. The programme received favourable assessment and was supported by USAID. Its main merits were that (1) it represented a considerably more transferable means of introducing new family techniques and new inputs (2) It was relatively inexpensive. The average cost of a demonstration came to approximately £35 or £175,000 for 5,000 demonstrations per year. THE PETROLEUM ERA, 1970-2000 This period had some distinct characteristics, even though some of the programmes of the previous era were continued. It was a period of ambivalence and enigma. Petroleum came of age and became the chief source of revenue to the Federal Government. Agriculture was neglected even though comparatively substantial amounts of revenue were annually budgeted for the sector. There was a shift of emphasis by government to domestic food production and an increasing tendency to centralize agricultural programmes. Yet increasingly, Nigeria became a food-dependent country. Overall, the period was suffused with a coterie of agricultural programme (ADP), THE National Accelerated Food Production Programme (NAFPP), the River Basin Development Programme (RBDP), The Directorate for Food, Roads, and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), Operation Feed the Nation (OFN), the Better Life for Rural Women Programme (BLRWP), and the Green Revolution (GR). The Post-colonial Economy of Nigeria (2): Era of Perverted Industrialisation At the close of the colonial era in Nigeria, there was absence of modern industrial sector. This was because the colonial authorities had made no attempt to see to the industrial development of the country. The Nigerian political elite consistently criticized the authorities on this issue. Hence, with independence achieved, the Nigerian leaders accorded priority to industrialization as the newly independent country saw industrialization not only as a symbol of their independence but also as a short cut to economic progress and a panacea against under-development. This thinking stemmed from the inability of primary export to earn enough for the economy to grow and to have its productive forces fully engaged, faster growth demand for manufactures than for most primary products and the flexibility of the industrialised economies. Therefore, it came as no surprise that all the National Development Plans, especially from the 1970s, laid emphasis on the need for rapid industrialization of the country. Cultivating the Ground: The Preparation Government‟s efforts at industrialization were accompanied with a package of facilitative measures and incentives designed to provide a favourable investment climate. These involved legislative enactments, institutional reforms and infrastructural improvements. Nigeria‟s industrial potentials were advertised overseas in order to woo foreign investors. At home, various legislations were passed which gave “over-generous tax reliefs” to foreign investors and allowed them to repatriate their profits and even capital almost at will. A wide range of institutions were established which were expected to advance the cause of modern industrial production. These included the National Insurance Corporation of Nigeria( NICON) established in 1969, the Nigerian Bank of Commerce and Industry(NBCI) established in 1973 and the Nigerian Industrial Development Bank among others. The principal function of the banks was to provide equity capital and funds by way of soft loans to indigenous investors, organisations and institutions for medium and long-term investments in industry and commerce on concessionary terms.Private investors were also encouraged to go into th banking and insurance sector. During the 1970s and 1980s in particular, a multitude of banks and insurance firms wre established by private investors, foreign as well as indigenous, to complement the example of government. Although, some of them went under before the end of the century while others have survived and continue to service the industrial sector. Government also realized the importance of adequate and steady power supply in achieving industrialization. Towards this end, government merged the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria which had been created in 1950 with the Niger Dam Authority in 1972 to form the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA). NEPA was thus empowered to develop and maintain an efficient, co-ordinated and economical system of electricity supply to all parts of the federation.In the 1970s, NEPA supplied about 98.7 percent of the electricity consumed in Nigeria while the remaining balance was supplied by the National Electric Supply Corporation and African Timber and Plywood Company. In 1971, the Industrial Research Council of Nigeria was set up by government as a federal statutory body affiliated to the Federal Ministry of Industries. Its mandate was to promote and co-ordinate all industrial research activities in Nigeria and to develop and apply the results of such research for the industrial well-being of the nation. Government, both regional and state, established a number of tertiary institutions such as colleges of technology, polytechnic and universities for the purpose of producing direly needed manpower for industrial and others sectors of the economy, and for the administration. At independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria had University College, Ibadan as the only degree graduate-producing institution, even then it was affiliated to the University of London. The University of Nigeria opened its donors to 220 students within that month of October. It became the first autonomous university in Nigeria. Before the civil war, a few more universities were established at Lagos, Ife and Zaria. By 2000, the numbers of universities have increased from less than ten to nearly forty. Also, the Industrial Training Fund was established to encourage and support practical industrial training of students/graduates of tertiary institutions. A Federal Loans Board was established to provide loans on easy terms for small-scale industrial research and production. Other institutions established for industrial purposes included the investment Information and Promotion Centre, the Standard Organisation of Nigeria and the Industrial Development Co-ordination Committee, among others. Just like in the colonial period, government recognized the place of transport along with communication as a catalyst to industrial growth in particular, and socio-economic development in general. For this reason, transport has consistently commanded higher investment fund than most other sectors since independence, but most especially following the destruction or infrastructural neglect occasioned by the civil war. In the first and third National Development Plan (NDP), transport received about 20percent of the total public sector capital outlays and 23,7percent in the second. Although, in some cases, actual expenditure exceeded planned capital expenditure. The lion‟s share of the allocations to transport went to road construction and improvement. For instance, in the third NDP, road construction/improvement gulped ₦6.95 billion out of ₦9.3 billion on seaports and airports. The post-colonial era thus witnessed considerable activity in road construction, improvement, expansion and redesigning as well as the modernisation and expansion of the seaports. The oil boom of the 1970s gave fillip to the transport sector. Total road mileage-tarred and untarred- increased substantially. For instance, tarred roads increased from 11, 053 km in 1968 to 18, 109 in 1972 and then to 28, 632km in 1980 while untarred ones increased from 71, 840km to 95,394 and then to 114, 769, during the same year. Some trans-regional and inter-state roads were dualised for instance Lagos-Ibadan, Lagos-Benin, Kano-Kaduna-Abuja, PH-Enugu, Enugu-Onitsha. Some urban roads received impressive face- lifts especially in Lagos where many fly-overs and ring roads were constructed to reduce traffic hold-up. Unfortunately, this explosive expansion of road transport was not matched by rationality and cost effectiveness. Airports, domestic and international, grew in number at a pulsating pace. Seaports, such as Tin Can Island and Eleme near P.H were expanded, dredged and modernized to cope with vastly expanding import/export trade which was buoyed by the oil boom. Following the establishment of the Nigerian Telecommunications Company Limited (NITEL) telephone services expanded several folds spatially and indepth. TRADITIONAL FESTIVALS IN NIGERIA Traditional festivals are periodic days or seasons of gaiety or merry making set aside by a community, ethnic group, or clan for the observance of sacred celebration which usually have traditional, religious and cultural significance among the people. It can also be seen as an event celebrated by a community and centering on some characteristic aspect of that community and its religion or culture. Traditional Festivals are usually done to celebrate heroes of the past, significant past events, gods, agricultural yields, victory at war etc. as such, they often serve to fulfill communal purpose. The procedures of these festivals recount the history of the people, and in fact it preserves the cultural heritage. It usually involves them wearing their traditional regalia, performing their cultural dance and songs etc. Besides, religious rites too are usually commemorative of historical events which are re-enacted long after the actual events had taken place. The re-enactment of ritual ceremonies and festivals demonstrates that Nigerians have repositories of cultural and historical knowledge. Festivals are in fact expressive ways to celebrate glorious heritage, culture and traditions. Celebration of this kind provides a sense of belonging for religious, social, or geographical groups and serves to reinforce solidarity among them. They play important roles to add structure to our social lives. Feasting usually accompanies festival as traditional food and drinks are made available to all the participants. SIGNIFICANCE OF TRADITIONAL FESTIVALS 1. Traditional Festivals demonstrates the values and beliefs of the people whilst preserving their cultural heritage. 2. Celebration of traditional festivals preserves the history of indigenous communities and societies 3. Traditional festivals also fosters communal union 4. More recently, traditional festivals have promoted tourism in Nigeria 5. Traditional festivals contribute to the economic development of Nigeria TYPES OF TRADITIONAL FESTIVALS There are numerous kinds of traditional festivals celebrated across Nigeria, however, the can be broadly grouped into three (3) main categories which are; Religious Festivals, Economic Festivals, and Socio-Cultural Festivals. Festivals like Osun-Oshogbo festival, Alagemo festival, Sango Festival, Oya Festival, Ogun festival, Egungun festival, Ejigbo festival, Agbo festival, Oro festival, Lisabi festival, Sogidi festival are religious festivals. Calabar festival, Ojude Oba, Ofala festival, Sharo festival, Durbar festival, Oranmiyan festival, Igogo festival, Osezi festival, Festival of Pategi Regtta fall, Eyo festival, into socio-cultural festivals. New yam festival, Argungu festival, Orisa Oko festival, Alalubosa festival are economic festivals. 1 All of these festivals have historical backgrounds. It is therefore apparent to consider their historical chronicles in other to better understand the cultural underpinnings of these festivals and put them in the right context in the Nigerian society of today. OSUN-OSOGBO FESTIVAL The Osun-Osogbo festival is celebrated annually for two weeks duration in August at Osogbo in present day Osun State to commemorate the founding of Osogbo and the significant role of the Osun River Goddess in founding of the settlement. Osun is a powerful goddess among the Yourba people and she is the only female among the sixteen major deities in Yorubaland. According to Yoruba mythology, Osun was one of the three wives of Sango (the 4 th Alaafin of Oyo). Consequent upon the news of their husband’s suicide, they all turned into flowing rivers-River Osun, River Oba, and River Oya (The Niger River). The source of river Osun is traced to Igede in present day Ekiti State but the Osun groove is located at Osogbo. Osun is regarded among the Yoruba as the goddess of wealth and beauty, an herbalist or healer, a dyer, goddess of fertility, protection and blessing. The origin of the Osun-Osogbo festival is traced to the prominent role played by Osun in the founding of Osogbo. It is important to consider the origin of the people of Osogbo in order to understand the nexus between the river goddess and the people. According to Osun mythology, three hunters- Olaoroye, Olutimehin and Lajomo (who were believed to be the ancestors of the people of Osogbo) migrated from Ipole Omu in Ijesaland due to water scarcity. They were in search of a place of abode with sufficient water. In a bid to clear the path leading to the river bank where they eventually settled, they cut down trees of which one fell inside the river. The river instantly turned blue, and a voice came from within the water saying, “Laroye, Timehin gbogbo Ikoko aro mi leti fo” meaning “Laroye, Timehin, you have broken all my indigo dye pots”. Afterwards, the settlers heard the voices of some water spirits commiserating with the goddess saying, “Oso Igbo pele, Oso Igbo rora” meaning “Wizard of the forest sorry, wizard of the forest take it easy”. Hence, the name Osogbo is derived from “Oso Igbo” 7 (Wizard of the forest) the name of the goddess herself. According to another version, as soon as the tree fell into the river, a voice from the river said “Ta lo fo mi ni koko aro?, eyin Oso igbo yi e dun de” meaning “who broke my indigo dye pot?, wizard of the forest, you have come again”. Both versions however agree to the fact that the name of the settlement Osogbo was derived from the phrase Oso Igbo. After this incidence, Laroye and Timehin realizing what they have done decided to offer sacrifice to appease the goddess. The goddess was said to have been pleased with their sacrifice and sent her representative Iko to accept the sacrifice and pour curative water in a calabash held by Laroye to cure any aliment among the people. This earned Olaoroye the title Atewogbeja meaning “The one who receives the god-fish on his palm”. This was shortened to Ataoja, the title of the king of Osogbo till date. The river goddess was said to appear to the people afterwards 2 instructing them to perform the ritual or sacrifice every year in return for her protection and blessings over the land. Thus, in obedience to this instruction, the people of Osogbo celebrate the Osun-Osogbo festival as a renewal of their pact with the river goddess. The annual celebration of the festival is usually accompanied by some sacred rituals which re- enacts the history of the people. One of such is the Iwo Popo ritual which has to do with clearing of the path for visitors coming to witness the festival. This ritual finds its origin in the path clearing done by their ancestors in their bid to access the Osun River. This ritual is performed twelve days to the grand finale. Another of such major ritual is the lightening of the sixteen-point lamp (Atupa Olojumerindinlogun). The Atupa Olojumerindinlogun is a brass column that holds sixteen tray- like receptacles on which cotton and palm oil are placed. This ritual is performed at the Ataoja’s palace nine days to the grand finale. The lamp is usually lighted at night and left burning until day break. The Ataoja, his wives, Osun priests and priestess are expected to dance round the lamp three times at three intervals making invocations and offering prayers. This ritual also finds its origin in the history of the people because according to tradition, Olaoroye, the ancestor of the people was said to have seized a sixteen-point lamp from some spirits dancing around it in the forest on one of his hunting expeditions. Traditions have it that, when goddess heard of it, she instructed Laoroye that the seized lamp must be celebrated the way the spirits did. The highlight of the festival is usually on the day of the grand finale. Prayers are offered very early in the morning at the Ataoja’s palace after which the Arugba Osun (votary maid and a virgin lady) is expected to carry the items for sacrifice (usually in a calabash wrapped with white fabric) to the Osun grove at the outskirt of the town. The Arugba accompanied by palace guards to ensure a hitch-free walk to the grove as she must not hit her foot on a stone or stumble and the success of the festival is heavily dependent on her safe arrival at the groove. The Arugba leads the procession from the king’s palace followed by the Ataoja, Osun priestesses, priests and other devotees. Upon arrival at the groove, the Arugba, Ataoja and the priestesses and priest enter into the sanctuary to offer prayers and perform some rituals. Afterwards, the Ataoja sits on the ancestral stool to offer the sacrifice to the river goddess. When the ritual is completed, the people chorus “Ore yeye Osun” meaning “Osun, the great mother”. Interested participants in the festival, especially those seeking for Osun’s favour then enter into the river to drink of the water, wash their face, hands and also take along with them. The procession then heads back to the palace amidst pomp and pageantry to continue celebration with feasting, dancing and activities. It is noteworthy that the Osun-Osogbo festival has enjoyed international attraction as tourists from all over the world-America, Britain, France, Brazil, Jamaica, Cuba, Slovenia etc visit the groove to participate in the celebration. The case of Susan Wenger, an Austrian woman is remarkable in this instance. She visited the groove, loved it, made it her permanent abode and established several places of tourist attraction at the groove which earned her the name Adunni Olorisa. She remained committed to her service and worship of the Osun deity until her death. 3 The Federal Ministry of Arts and Culture and the National Commission for Museum and Monuments established a National Museum in Osogbo in 1965 and placed under its custody in 1979 for the preservation and promotion of Yoruba cultural heritage. It is also important to state here that, the Osun-Osogbo grove has been listed as a global cultural heritage site by UNESCO since 2005. Thus, the Osun-Osogbo festival has become and international event. OFALA FESTIVAL The Ofala festival is a traditional festival peculiar to the Igbo people particularly Onitsha, Umueri, Umuji, Arochukwu, Nnewi and other neighbouring communities. Ofala is the most surviving traditional ceremony of the Igbo people. The word Ofala itself is derived from two Igbo word; Ofo meaning authority and Ala meaning Land. The festival is however called different names depending on the community. For instance, it is called Afia Olu by the people of Nnewi, Ikeji by the Arochukwu. According to traditions, this festival was usually celebrated after recording victory at a war by the Onitsha army. It was an occasion to celebrate great members of the army, specifically celebrating the Obi who was considered the commander-in-chief of the army. Before the day of celebration, the Obi (i.e presiding monarch) was expected to go into seclusion for four days to pray for the souls of departed men of the army and also for prosperity for his land and people. More recently however, since war is no longer a phenomenon in Igboland and by extension Nigeria, the celebration of the festival revolves around renewal of the Obi’s authority in the land. The festival is usually preceded by some days of seclusion (like in the pre-colonial era) in which the king undergo some form or retreat and purification rites. At the end of the period of retreat, the king comes out to bless the people, pray for the community and they all together offer thanksgiving to their ancestors for sparing their lives. It is indeed a time to renew and strengthen the cultural and spiritual bonds of the people. The festival usually takes place in October for two days, and it marks the beginning of the new year in Igbo calendar known as Igu Aro. During the festival, various cultural activities take place which includes masquerade display, traditional dances, music, and parades. It is also an occasion for the people to display their traditional crafts. The highlight of the festival is the Ofala Royal Dance which is performed by the Obi and his council of chiefs. The Obi is usually the first to dance (appearing in his red regalia and holding bronze sword) after which he goes on to sit. He is then followed by his Council of Chiefs who perform their dance in their order of seniority and afterwards bring gifts to the monarch and pay homage to him. The dance is performed to honour the ancestors and ask for blessings and protection for the community. The Ofala celebration is more than just a celebration. It is a display of the rich cultural heritage of the Igbo people and a reminder of the need for preservation of these cultural values. The 4 festival is also used as an avenue to honour deserving sons and daughters of the land with chieftaincy titles. In 2022, the Federal Government of Nigeria awarded the Ofala festival the award of excellence in culture. DURBAR FESTIVAL This festival is most significant among the Muslims of Northern Nigeria and dates back to over a hundred years ago when the Emirate used horses to fight their enemies. Durbar is essentially a military parade on horseback showing the preparedness of household, towns, and villages to defend the emirate in times of war. The celebration of Durbar festival today is however different from time past owing to the change in approaches to warfare which has relegated the use of horses for warfare to the background. The occasion of Durbar festival among Muslims in northern Nigeria is now used to celebrate the Idel Fetri where the prowess of horse riders in their defense of their emirate is displayed. The festival is celebrated in Kano, Kastina, Sokoto, Zazzau, Bida, Kaduna etc. It usually starts at dawn with prayers being offered in the town on Idel Fetri Day followed by procession of horsemen from the emir’s palace to the public square. The square is arranged in such a way that it accommodates everyone, and the Emir and his entourage are usually the last to arrive (all on horses). The festival officially commences with horse racing activity known as Jahi race in which all horse riders charge in full speed towards the Emir and abruptly stops when they approach him and wave their sword or flag before exiting. The Emir on the other hand receives the salute from the horse riders. The fiercest of the house riders is the Dogari. Music, drumming and dancing accompanies the race after which the Emir retires to his palace. EYO FESTIVAL The Eyo festival is a masquerade festival celebrated in Lagos by the indigenes of Isale Eko. The origin of the Eyo remains controversial as there are conflicting accounts as regards this however, most sources agree that the Eyo was brought into Lagos by Ejilu, Malaki and Olugbani Unlike other masquerade display that is for entertainment, Eyo masquerade display is done to commemorate the demise of an Oba, King or an eminent indigene of Lagos who had contributed significantly to the development of Lagos. Thus, when this festival is celebrated, it is a taboo for any other masquerade to step into Isale Eko This is hinged on the fact that, in the Yoruba tradition, when a man dies, the Egungun (Masquerade) are required to separate the dead from their former life through certain ritual. The Eyo masquerades (Eyo Orisha) are categorized into five groups, Adimu (EyoOrisha), Eyo Alaketepupa also known as Okan Laba Ekun Eyo Oniko, Eyo Ologede, and Eyo Agere who all exist in hierarchical order. 5 The masquerade wear the flowing gown (Agbada), with wide-brimmed colourful hat Akete,(which tells the hierarchy and group the Eyo belongs) carrying the Opambata stick and aropale which is tied around the legs (believed to sweep the city of Lagos clean of ill luck). The idea of wearing white agbada came about because the need to protect the masquerade from the surging crowd which of course symbolizes purity and meant the crowd should not come in close contact with the Eyo. Their white clothing is also symbolic of the spirit of the dead who they intend to send forth to the great beyond. On the day of the festival, the masquerades move from the Iga (King’s palace) to the Agodo (the shrine of the Orisa Eyo) from where they move from one location to another in Isale Eko such as Ebute Ero, Obalende, Oke Popo, Campus, Lafiaji etc. performing their traditional dance alongside folk songs, chanting, and drums to the entertainment of the people. 6