CHAPTER 17.docx

CHAPTER 17 Security and Insecurity Security, Insecurity, and Power Politics Traditional realist approaches to international relations, influenced by social contract theorists like Thomas Hobbes, suggest a state of nature characterized by anarchy. This translates to a lack of a reliable international...

CHAPTER 17 Security and Insecurity Security, Insecurity, and Power Politics Traditional realist approaches to international relations, influenced by social contract theorists like Thomas Hobbes, suggest a state of nature characterized by anarchy. This translates to a lack of a reliable international security system, with no clear global laws or enforcement. Realists argue that security can only be found within the state. Governments’ primary task is to ensure the state’s survival amidst various risks such as nuclear weapons, terrorism, human trafficking, and pandemics. They believe that only the state has the power to protect its people, and relying on international organizations is considered naive optimism. The power politics approach to security, as developed by Hans Morgenthau and his successors, advocates for “peace through strength”. It emphasizes that states can only rely on their own resources for survival in the international sphere, making self-reliance crucial. While this doesn’t negate the importance of diplomacy or the UN, it underscores that state survival is the ultimate priority for decision-makers. Neorealism focuses on the distribution of power in the international system and its impact on security. Defensive realists believe states should have sufficient military power for defense, but not so much that it prompts other states to counterbalance. Offensive realists, on the other hand, argue that a state can never have too much power, and not maximizing power creates a vacuum that could be filled by a more ambitious country. Liberal approaches to security often successfully challenge the realist view of state security. Despite the failures of the League of Nations, liberal institutionalism gained prominence after 1945 with the creation of the UN. The aim was to mitigate the negative effects of anarchy by ensuring cooperation among the great powers - the US, USSR, China, Britain, and France. Various collective security mechanisms were established through international treaties. KEY CONCEPT BOX 17.1 Treaties and Alliances In international relations, a treaty is a written contract or agreement between two or more parties that is binding in international law. It can form an alliance, a formal agreement between actors (usually states) to collaborate on mutual security issues. The expected security benefits of such collaboration typically include establishing or strengthening a deterrence system, operating a defense pact in case of war, and preventing some or all actors from joining other alliances. Treaties and alliances have been long-standing tools for establishing international order. They’ve been used by various political communities worldwide, including the “Iroquois League,” a confederacy of Haudenosaunee nations that formed the first known security community between 1000 and 1450 CE. This alliance, which respected each nation’s autonomy, created a robust security alliance that lasted centuries. According to international relations theorist Neta Crawford, it was more successful than subsequent security regimes, including the 19th-century Congress of Vienna. Crawford quotes the league’s founder, Dekanawidah: “We bind ourselves together… so that our people and grandchildren shall remain in the circle of security, peace, and happiness.” While not all treaties form security alliances, historically, this has been the most common type. Treaties can be negotiated between previously hostile parties seeking mutual benefits in establishing peaceful relations. However, this doesn’t eliminate suspicion or guarantee future peace. For instance, the nonaggression pact between Hitler and Stalin in 1939 didn’t prevent Hitler’s invasion of Soviet territory two years later. Treaties can also be imposed at the end of hostilities, benefiting the victor, or serving as a punitive measure. The Treaty of Versailles is an example of the latter, often cited as a significant factor in Hitler’s rise to power and his aggressive militarism’s support within Germany. Security has various interpretations. Realists and liberals mainly focus on the survival of state governments, infrastructure, and economic systems, linking state survival to domestic population security. However, these theories often overlook the inequalities and injustices perpetuated by states. Many international relations theorists argue that this is a narrow view of security that misses crucial aspects. By focusing on certain aspects of security and ignoring others, these theories can inadvertently cause violence and insecurity. In March 2020, the World Health Organization declared the global spread of COVID-19, first detected in Wuhan, China in late 2019, as a pandemic. This led to a severe global recession. Governments mitigated some effects by spending approximately $16 trillion. By mid-2021, China’s economy returned to pre-pandemic levels, but most other economies are expected to recover by 2023 or 2024. By June 2021, over 178 million people worldwide were infected, with almost 4 million deaths. Measures to control the virus included travel restrictions, social distancing, lockdowns, testing, public awareness campaigns, increased healthcare funding, and closures of schools, universities, and businesses. Countries with strong social solidarity were most successful in handling the crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted and intensified societal divisions based on race and class. In the US, it was evident that the impact of the virus was racially disproportionate. African Americans, Latinx, and Indigenous people were affected significantly more than white people, often due to factors like poverty and pre-existing medical conditions, as well as systemic racism. As Ibram Kendi noted, the US faced a “racial pandemic within the viral pandemic.” Brazil faced significant challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly among Indigenous peoples who were among the most vulnerable and hardest hit. They often had limited access to health resources, were isolated from urban centers, and experienced systemic racism. President Jair Bolsonaro’s refusal to act against the pandemic and the increase in illegal gold mining and deforestation under his administration put Indigenous peoples at great risk. In response to the crisis, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court ordered an emergency plan in August 2020 to help Indigenous peoples, including measures to eject trespassers from Indigenous territories. Some Indigenous nations, like the Parque Indígena, isolated themselves from the rest of the Brazilian population for protection. By early 2021, the mortality rate for Indigenous peoples in the Amazon was reported to be 58% higher than that of non-Indigenous Brazilians, with a 68% higher infection rate. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly altered the functioning of the international system and how it’s perceived. The crisis highlighted the effectiveness of early, proactive state policies and transparent decision-making in saving lives. Conversely, governments that denied the crisis’s severity and withheld resources, like the Trump administration, faced worse outcomes. The situation prompts a reevaluation of whether traditional security concepts are adequate in today’s increasingly interconnected world politics. The United Nations and Collective Security At the end of World War II, delegates from 50 countries met in San Francisco to approve a charter for the United Nations (UN), aimed at maintaining international peace and security. The UN Charter, proposed by the US, UK, Soviet Union, and China, was signed by 51 countries on June 26, 1945, and the organization officially came into existence on October 24, 1945. The UN’s main elements include a General Assembly, a Security Council, an International Court of Justice, and a Secretariat. Canada, a founding member, played an active role in creating the Charter. UN membership grew during the decolonization era, leading to many new independent states, but Indigenous nations in settler states did not gain recognition or self-determination. After the Cold War, membership increased as former Soviet republics and other former communist countries became sovereign states. The UN currently has 193 members. The UN Charter is an international treaty that establishes fundamental principles to support international peace and security, which every new member must agree to. It outlines the rights and obligations of member states, reaffirming their faith in human rights, dignity, and equality. Members commit to practicing tolerance, living in peace, maintaining international peace and security, ensuring armed force is used only in common interest, and promoting economic and social advancement. The Charter consists of 19 chapters and 111 articles detailing the structure of the UN and the powers and responsibilities of its main organs. The UN Security Council, established under Chapter V of the Charter, originally consisted of five permanent members (UK, US, USSR, France, and China) and six non-permanent members. Now, there are 10 non-permanent members serving two-year terms. The five permanent members, or “P5”, each have veto power over Security Council decisions, reflecting the belief that the UN couldn’t function without giving prominence to the most influential states. The Security Council embodies the UN’s mission for “collective security”, emphasizing that true security can only be achieved if the great powers cooperate, abandoning the “every state for itself” principle. The UN Security Council’s composition and functioning have faced criticism over the years. The extraordinary power given to the P5, established over 75 years ago, no longer reflects the current global balance of power or represents countries with the largest populations. The UN’s membership has nearly quadrupled since 1945, but the P5’s geographic distribution is narrow, with no representation from Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, or South America. Plans to expand the Security Council often consider influential countries like India, Brazil, and South Africa. However, any reform plans can be vetoed by any P5 member, making the chances for reform appear slim. The UN was founded on liberal ideals with the aim to minimize international conflict through cooperation and institution-building. The language of its declarations envisioned a world where security for all states is the norm. With open membership and a commitment to decolonization, the UN embodies egalitarianism. Its provisions for social and economic advancement of all nations indicate its proactive role beyond mainstream security concerns. The UN’s focus was strengthened with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Genocide Convention in 1948, and it expanded its humanitarian role over time. Provisions were also introduced for NGO participation. While the UN was founded on the sovereign state system, its principles and vision extend to embrace liberal ideals and a broader interpretation of international security. Its Charter allows it to address significant non-military international security concerns, such as the environment, health, food, and global inequality. KEY CONCEPT BOX 17.2 UN Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding The United Nations (UN) has been involved in peacekeeping since 1956, an initiative introduced by Canadian diplomat Lester B. Pearson. Pearson suggested an international police force to oversee the ceasefire during the Suez Crisis, a conflict involving the UK, France, Israel, and Egypt over the Suez Canal. Pearson’s contribution earned him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1957. Former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali described peacekeeping in his 1992 report to the Security Council as the deployment of a UN presence in the field, typically involving UN military, police personnel, and often civilians. This presence, which requires the consent of all parties involved, expands the possibilities for conflict prevention and peace-making. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations coordinates these forces. Peacekeeping missions have evolved from being primarily military to more complex operations due to the shift in nature of conflicts, which are now often internal involving non-state actors like militia groups. Non-traditional peacekeeping was exemplified in the UN mission in Cambodia (1991-1993), and missions in Somalia (1992-1993) and former Yugoslavia (1992-1995), where peacekeepers distributed relief supplies and promoted stability. More recent missions in Haiti, Kosovo, East Timor, and Mali have shifted focus towards monitoring peace agreements, supporting transitional authorities, and training police forces. Peacekeeping is now viewed as a part of a broader conflict prevention strategy, emphasizing early intervention to prevent political disputes from escalating into physical violence. This approach was exemplified when the Canadian government sent troops to Afghanistan with the aim of resolving conflicts before they turned violent. The focus is on fostering dialogue between hostile parties and addressing root causes of conflict, such as poverty, inadequate development, lack of democracy and good governance, public health, sanitation, and education issues, and poorly trained armed forces and police. Other serious issues include corruption, weapons and drug smuggling, human trafficking, and mercenary activities. Peacebuilding efforts aim to prevent conflict resurgence and promote normalcy in conflict zones. This often requires the UN to establish basic government institutions, a task typically performed by state governments. Peacebuilding involves close cooperation with local experts to rebuild infrastructure, design electoral systems, and carry out other complex tasks that were beyond the scope of UN operations during the Cold War. The ongoing United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), established in 2013, exemplifies this process. Peacekeeping activity saw a significant increase post-Cold War, with 24 new missions by 1996 compared to only 18 from 1953 to 1989. By the end of 2008, over 88,000 peacekeepers from 118 countries were deployed, with India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh being the largest contributors. By 2020, the number of uniformed personnel involved in 13 separate UN missions increased to over 95,000 from 121 countries, with most missions in Africa. However, these operations have also seen over 1,300 fatalities. While the UN used to handle most peacekeeping duties, regional organizations like the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the African Union, and NATO have increasingly taken on this role. Canada and the United States have made their recent peacekeeping contributions under NATO rather than UN. By the end of 2019, Canada had only 29 Armed Forces personnel and 20 police officers deployed on UN missions in Mali, Haiti, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, and Cyprus. Despite peacekeeping being a significant aspect of Canadian foreign policy, Canadian contributions have been declining, possibly contributing to Canada’s unsuccessful bids for a temporary seat on the Security Council. The structure of the UN Security Council and the dominance of the P5 (the five permanent members: China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US) reflect a balance between realism and idealism in international relations. Realism here refers to the idea that international politics is primarily a struggle for power among self-interested states. This is evident in the Security Council, where the P5 have veto power, allowing them to prevent the adoption of any substantive resolution they disagree with. On the other hand, the UN can be seen as an “idealist institution” because it aims to transcend power politics by providing a forum for peaceful dispute resolution and cooperation among states. However, the broader liberal vision for collective international security is still tied to a traditional state-based vision of world order focused primarily on military issues. This means that the primary responsibility for maintaining peace and security often falls on states and their military capabilities. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is another example of collective security, where member states agree to mutual defense in response to an attack by any external party. Like the UN, NATO is also based on a state-centric view of world order and focuses primarily on military issues. In both cases, the goal is to maintain international peace and security, but the means of achieving this goal are heavily influenced by power politics and military capabilities. The Role of NATO The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was established in 1948 and has significantly influenced the global order since then. Following World War II, the Cold War began almost immediately, leading to territorial disputes and mutual suspicions between the USSR and its Western allies, previously united in the “Grand Alliance.” These disputes centered around the governance systems to be implemented in newly liberated countries like Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. Meanwhile, western Europe was grappling with severe economic conditions post-war, and recovery efforts were slow. US policymakers feared the spread of Soviet-style communism into western Europe, particularly as countries like Italy and France had substantial communist parties. In 1947, US President Harry Truman established the Truman Doctrine, also known as the doctrine of containment, asserting the US’s leading role in combating communism through economic and military means. This doctrine set the stage for the creation of NATO, with all founding members committing to collective security, meaning an attack on one was considered an attack on all. While NATO is a military alliance, its inception was largely driven by the need to bolster political will and confidence against communism. Canada and the US, key members from the start, had a formal military relationship dating back to 1940 with the creation of the Permanent Joint Board on Defence (PJBD). This allowed Canadian and US defense planners to regularly exchange information and policies for North American defense and security. NATO initially worked alongside 10 Western European states: the UK, France, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Norway, Portugal, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. In 1955, the USSR established a rival organization, the Warsaw Pact, also known as the “Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance,” with its communist allies in Eastern and Central Europe, partly in response to West Germany’s entry into NATO. During the Cold War, NATO expanded to include Greece, Turkey, and Spain. Post-Cold War, NATO redefined its purpose as the primary security organization for Europe and the North Atlantic, moving beyond just countering the Soviet threat. Its membership expanded to include several former Soviet-dominated countries. The Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland joined in 1999; Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in 2004; and Croatia and Albania in 2009. Further expansions in 2017 and 2020 brought NATO’s membership to 30, including former communist states like Montenegro (joined 2017) and North Macedonia (joined 2020). Post–Cold War Conflicts The end of the Cold War was seen as a victory in many Western countries, but it also sparked numerous internal conflicts due to the rise of nationalist movements in places like Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Some of these conflicts were violent and resulted in many casualties, raising questions about the UN’s role in such situations. The early 1990s saw persistent conflicts across the developing world, from Africa to the Pacific, and in regions like Northern Ireland and Spain. The dissolution of the Soviet Union also triggered a wave of nationalist activity. However, not all these movements were violent. The Czech and Slovak Republics peacefully split from former Czechoslovakia following a nationwide referendum. The Baltic states also achieved independence peacefully, and the secession of Central Asian republics from the old Soviet Union involved relatively little violence. In some instances, the end of the Cold War led to violent outcomes. Moscow leaders, intent on preserving the Russian Federation, suppressed Chechen separatism ruthlessly. The Balkans posed a particularly challenging case. While Slovenia’s secession from Yugoslavia in 1991 occurred with minimal violence, mainly due to its ethnic homogeneity and small Serbian minority, the dissolution of the rest of Yugoslavia led to severe conflict among Croats, Serbs, and Bosnian Muslims. Post-Cold War crises in Africa posed further challenges. Both superpowers, the US, and the Soviet Union, had supported various leaders and movements during the Cold War to expand their influence. After 1991, power vacuums led to numerous conflicts. The failure in Somalia deeply affected US attitudes towards overseas military deployment and influenced responses to other crises, notably in Rwanda. In 1994, the US and France forced a reduction of UN forces in Rwanda just before a genocide where about 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were massacred by extremist Hutu militia. This event is seen as the UN’s failure to take decisive action to prevent the conflict from escalating into a large-scale tragedy. It also critically examines President Bill Clinton’s lack of intervention when he could have potentially saved hundreds of thousands of lives. Security and Insecurity after 9/11 The 2001 Al-Qaeda attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon prompted the United States to invade two sovereign states. In his 2002 State of the Union address, George W. Bush labeled Iraq, North Korea, and Iran as an “Axis of Evil.” It’s presumed that North Korea and Iran were included due to their hostility towards the West and their development of nuclear programs. The 2001 attacks incited significant outrage and fear in Washington, leading to a surge in US defense expenditures to levels seen during the Cold War. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld warned that a united and evil enemy was waging war against America’s way of life, its values, and freedom itself. The Department of Defense characterized the international system as increasingly complex and unpredictable compared to the Cold War era. Following the 9/11 attacks, for which Al-Qaeda was the prime suspect, the Bush administration demanded that the Taliban government of Afghanistan hand over Osama bin Laden. The UN Security Council supported this demand. The Taliban’s refusal led to the launch of Operation Enduring Freedom by the US and its allies four weeks later. NATO members, including Canada and Germany, had invoked Article 5 of NATO’s Charter, which states that an attack on one member is an attack on all. NATO’s International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) assumed responsibility for the area around Kabul in early 2002 and expanded its mission to cover all of Afghanistan in 2003. A political reconstruction program was initiated, leading to elections, the establishment of a new government, and the launch of an infrastructure development program. Despite these efforts, Afghanistan continues to face significant security challenges. The Iraq War, initiated in March 2003 by the Bush administration as part of the War on Terror, overshadowed ongoing issues in Afghanistan. The war had the support of the UK, Italy, Spain, and Australia, but lacked the endorsement of NATO or the UN Security Council. France, backed by Russia and China, led the opposition to the invasion. The operations were primarily carried out by US and UK forces, with NATO and the UN having minimal involvement in the Iraq War. The invasion and occupation of Iraq were largely unsuccessful, with conflicts persisting until the US officially ended its mission in December 2011. Despite the formation of a national unity government following the 2010 elections, Iraq remained on the verge of civil war between Shia and Sunni factions. Many in the northern Kurdish regions aspired for their own state. The country also saw a rise in violent criminal activities. Al-Qaeda, which had virtually no presence in Iraq before March 2003, found a foothold amidst the chaos. As Al-Qaeda’s influence waned, ISIL stepped in, turning Iraq into a hotbed for criminal and terrorist recruitment. The War on Terror highlighted that conventional military strategies may be ineffective against non-traditional adversaries, potentially leading to new issues. Despite efforts, the Taliban was not eradicated and continues to control parts of Afghanistan, a situation exacerbated by the 2020 US-Taliban agreement under the Trump administration that facilitated US troop withdrawal. Additionally, the failed US occupation of Iraq created a power vacuum that led to the rise of ISIL. This instability has since spread to other Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Libya. Modern commentators suggest that terrorism is more effectively addressed by civil law enforcement and the enhancement of national and international intelligence networks. While these measures can’t ensure absolute security, as evidenced by the London bombings in 2005, the Paris attacks in 2015, and the Christchurch mass shooting in 2019, they have successfully thwarted numerous other attacks. A society less focused on militarization and surveillance may be more civic-minded, open, and less susceptible to internal strife. Following the Christchurch shooting, New Zealand united to reject racial hatred and violence, without resorting to extensive state militarization. Military force is often a blunt weapon, and its consequences tend to be both unpredictable and uncontrollable. As we discuss later in this chapter, a focus on human security and the development of resilience for communities may be an important step forward, given that we live in an era of unprecedented global challenges requiring cooperation and compassion. Security and Insecurity during the COVID-19 Pandemic The COVID-19 pandemic led to global insecurity, with significant loss of life and a shift in traditional security concerns. Governments and institutions were often unprepared, leading to fatal errors. As social isolation measures were implemented, people increasingly relied on online platforms, escalating cybersecurity threats. Cyberattacks, including ransomware, surged, targeting government and commercial websites. A lack of skilled IT security personnel and low security awareness among employees exacerbated the issue. The Canadian Centre for Cyber Security highlighted the risk of cyberattacks on healthcare and research facilities, with numerous attacks reported worldwide. Many new websites with COVID-19 themes were created, often spreading false information, malware, or impersonating official sites to steal personal data. The Canadian government also noted the potential for foreign governments to steal medical research and other sensitive data related to the pandemic. The pandemic and cybercrimes led to increased state surveillance, with governments using technology to monitor their populations. Contact tracing apps allowed agencies to track people’s movements. In China, facial recognition technology was used not only for health and safety but also to monitor pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong. Many Chinese cities required residents to install an app that monitored their activities and assigned them a contagion risk color code: green, yellow, or red. Countries like Germany and Austria used anonymized or aggregated data for contact tracing during the pandemic, while others, like Israel, Ecuador, Singapore, and South Korea, collected personal data, raising privacy concerns. Critics warn that once surveillance technology is used and legalized, it’s nearly impossible to revert. Increased surveillance could lead to more invasive snooping in the future. The post-9/11 era saw US legislation granting law enforcement agencies unprecedented powers, including location tracking and facial recognition. These technologies could be repurposed for political agendas, such as anti-immigration policies, with the public having little ability to challenge these digital exercises of state power. Thus, while these technologies can save lives, they also pose significant privacy risks. Alternative Approaches to Security The traditional state-centric approach to security, focused on military preparedness, is considered too narrow. Since the 1960s, there's been a growing consensus that true security can't be achieved solely by defeating enemies in war; former adversaries must collaborate to resolve conflicts. This has led to the concept of "positive peace," which implies more than just the absence of violent conflict. Theorists like Johan Galtung have emphasized understanding the causes of conflict and using cooperative social mechanisms for resolution. The peace movement is multifaceted, addressing various causes and issues based on time, place, and circumstance. During the Cold War, activists campaigned against warfare in places like Vietnam and Korea, the use of nuclear technology, poverty, underdevelopment, and neocolonialism. They also advocated for grassroots democracy and social justice. The movement intersected with others, such as the women’s and environmental movements, which proposed their own security conceptions and policy agendas. Alongside these developments, the 1970s and 1980s saw intellectual challenges to traditional security studies from postmodernism, feminism, and critical theory. KEY CONCEPT BOX 17.3 New Zealand and the Anti-Nuclear Movement The Pacific anti-nuclear movement originated in New Zealand in the early 1960s and escalated after Algeria’s independence from France in 1962. France, having to abandon its Sahara nuclear testing sites, moved its operations to its island colonies of Moruroa and Fangataufa in the South Pacific, east of New Zealand. Anti-nuclear protests in New Zealand intensified with the commencement of testing in 1966. The New Zealand government strongly supported the anti-nuclear campaign, even deploying the frigate HMNZS Otago to the test zone in 1973. In 1974, New Zealand, along with Australia and its Pacific Island neighbors, took France to the International Court of Justice to stop further atmospheric testing. In 1985, New Zealand’s anti-nuclear stance was highlighted when Prime Minister David Lange denied port access to the USS Buchanan due to the US’s refusal to confirm or deny the presence of nuclear materials on the ship. This led to the US annulling its ANZUS Treaty with New Zealand in 1986, and the two countries have had no formal security alliance since. In 1987, New Zealand became the first country to legislate itself as a nuclear-free zone and has since played a key role in promoting anti-nuclear policies. Feminism has offered unique critiques of traditional security approaches, arguing that they are often dominated by masculine perspectives, which can marginalize issues important to women. This is evident in the handling of war-related sexual violence, which gained international attention during the conflicts in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda. Like how domestic violence against women is often overlooked, violence against women during war has also been downplayed. The publicity of strategic rape during the Yugoslav wars led scholars to investigate similar incidents in past conflicts. Attention was drawn to the rape of German women by the Red Army at the end of World War II, and the Japanese army’s use of rape during the Pacific War, including the estimated rape of 20,000 Chinese women during the 1937 Nanjing siege and the forced prostitution of women in Japanese-occupied territories. Despite these historical cases, sexual assault was only recognized as a separate war crime in 1996, when eight Bosnian Serb officers were indicted for raping Bosnian Muslim women. Although this hasn’t stopped the practice in other war zones, as seen in Darfur, it signifies that rape in war is now considered a significant security issue. Feminist scholarship emphasizes that militarization can drive violence against women, regardless of whether a country is at war. Cynthia Enloe has argued that violence against women, including domestic violence, prostitution, and mass rape, is linked to the growing focus on military security. Mainstream security theories often overlook the objectification and marginalization of women while promoting state defense. Therefore, state security can be closely associated with insecurity for women’s rights and bodies. Christine Sylvester has highlighted war as a social institution where some benefit while others, particularly those who suffer, are overlooked. Post-Cold War security concerns have increasingly focused on the growing disparity between the “haves,” primarily in the prosperous, industrialized northern hemisphere, and the “have nots,” mostly in less developed countries in the Global South. This “North-South” economic divide has significant security implications. The United Nations has prioritized alleviating poverty and promoting sustainable development to address these issues. The divide between richer and poorer countries is further highlighted today by the impacts of global warming, rising sea levels, increasing numbers of climate refugees, and the social and economic disruptions caused by pandemics like COVID-19. Post-Cold War, the world became more receptive to addressing environmental issues as security concerns. The UN led this effort, organizing a summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, focusing on forests, biodiversity, and climate change. The summit resulted in the UN Convention on Climate Change in 1994, recognizing the climate system as a shared resource affected by greenhouse gas emissions and establishing a framework for addressing global warming. The 1997 Kyoto Protocol further strengthened the convention by setting binding greenhouse gas reduction targets for signatories. However, the US refused to ratify the accord, citing potential economic damage and perceived double standards, as emerging industrial powers like China and India were not bound by the accord. The UN Paris Agreement, enforced in 2016, coordinates global efforts to limit the rise in global temperature to 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, with an aim to further reduce it to a 1.5 degree increase. The agreement includes commitments to help poorer countries cope with climate change impacts. By 2020, 189 countries had joined the agreement. While the economic costs of reducing greenhouse emissions are high, the costs of inaction are likely even higher. The security implications of global warming are significant, with rising sea levels threatening not only small island states and low-lying countries like the Netherlands, but also extensive coastal regions in countries like the United States, Australia, Bangladesh, China, and more. Canada’s stance on climate change is complex due to its economy’s heavy reliance on oil and gas refining and sales. The Liberal government has been promoting environmental regulations and addressing global warming in line with the Paris Agreement, while also supporting the oil and gas sector, a key economic driver. This included the 2018 purchase of the Trans Mountain Pipeline. The COVID-19 pandemic led to a drop in oil and gas demand, causing oil prices to plummet. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau pledged to support the industry, particularly in Alberta. Despite its environmental impact, this sector provides over half a million jobs, mainly in western Canada. However, these jobs are costly in terms of investment and contribute significantly to pollution. Balancing environmental concerns with economic needs is challenging, especially given the importance of these jobs to the prairie provinces. A shift to alternative economic activities would require long-term planning and funding. A 2019 government report highlights Canada’s significant environmental challenges. Northern Canada is warming at twice the global average rate, and oceans are becoming more acidic and less oxygenated. Weather extremes, which have been present for some time, are predicted to increase. The report notes that the last three full decades (1980-2010) have been the warmest on record, and the three years with complete records (2015, 2016, and 2017) are the warmest globally on average. In 2020, Australia experienced unprecedented forest fires, burning approximately 186,000 square kilometers of land and one-fifth of the country’s forests, resulting in the death of over 1 billion animals and pushing some species towards extinction. Half of Australia’s ancient rainforests were also affected. A heatwave and prolonged dry spell set the stage for this disaster. Similar issues have been observed in California in recent years. Ecologist Mark Graham termed this the “Pyrocene,” or the age of fire, noting consistent patterns of fire problems across global biomes. Scientists are concerned about a feedback loop where hotter, drier weather leads to more fires, which in turn result in hotter, drier conditions. While there’s no consensus on the relationship between forest fires and climate change, it’s acknowledged that climate change can lead to drought conditions, thereby increasing the likelihood of fires. Climate change is expected to significantly impact food and water security, leading to an increase in “environmental refugees.” The World Bank estimates that by 2050, climate change will displace 143 million people in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia alone. In 2017, “sudden onset” natural disasters like intensified storms, floods, droughts, and forest fires displaced an estimated 22.5 to 24 million people. Environmental security is becoming increasingly important as it affects billions of people. The UN identifies climate change as a threat multiplier, causing loss of land and livelihoods, triggering competition for scarce resources, and fueling social tensions. Comprehensive, integrated strategies are needed to mitigate its impacts on people and communities. Wealthier countries must acknowledge and address climate change. In 2019, Canada committed $2.65 billion to help the most vulnerable countries adapt to climate change. The government also recognizes World Health Organization data predicting that, without change, climate change will contribute to an additional 250,000 deaths annually from malnutrition, malaria, diarrhea, and heat stress by 2030. In 2019, the UN declared a climate change emergency, stating that current measures are insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. It called for an average annual energy reduction of 7.6% until 2030. The same year, the UN appointed Mark Carney, former governor of the Bank of Canada, as its special envoy on climate action and finance. His role involves shifting public and private finance markets and mobilizing private finance to achieve the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. This involves building frameworks for financial reporting, risk management, and returns to mainstream the impacts of climate change in private financial decision-making and support the transition to a net-zero carbon economy. However, many countries worry about eroding living standards and rising prices, making it challenging to envision how they will achieve the required 7.6% energy cuts. From State Security to Human Security Addressing the security implications of climate change is part of a new approach developed within the UN system post-Cold War. The 1994 Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Programme emphasized achieving security in people’s daily lives, advocating for a human-level understanding of security. This includes health, employment, environmental security, and security from crime. Security is broadly defined as safety from constant threats like hunger, disease, crime, and repression, and protection from sudden disruptions in our daily lives, whether at home, work, community, or environment. By 2012, UN member states approved General Assembly resolution 66/290, defining human security as an approach to help Member States address widespread challenges to their people’s survival, livelihood, and dignity. The focus is on individuals and communities, not the state. This complex approach requires understanding security on a case-by-case basis, as insecurity can stem from various interconnected factors. Therefore, promoting security starts at the community level, aiming to build resilience in vulnerable populations. The UN Trust Fund for Human Security, established in 1999, has participated in over 220 projects in nearly 100 countries, addressing issues like urban crime in Peru, employment and agriculture in rural Egypt, resilience and food security in Pakistan’s Sind region, and civic engagement and public services in Serbia. In 2015, the UN adopted Agenda 2030, a plan for sustainable growth aligned with its human security agenda. It introduced 17 Sustainable Development Goals and 169 targets, primarily aiming to eradicate poverty and promote sustainable resource use. These ambitious goals necessitate a shift in understanding security, moving away from state-centric views towards global solutions for major issues, including migration and the plight of stateless individuals and those fleeing violence and persecution. Health is a crucial aspect of human security, encompassing access to medical care, safe food and water, timely disease treatment, and overall well-being. The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the ineffectiveness of traditional military assets in protecting populations from the virus. Instead, states had to provide mass testing, quarantine facilities, and extensive healthcare systems. Interestingly, institutions typically responsible for military security were utilized to combat the pandemic. As noted by the US Institute of Peace, state security institutions enhanced human security by managing crowds, enforcing social distancing rules, and controlling border crossings. However, police and military services have also been used to enforce state power, often violently suppressing calls for government transparency and fairness. To respect human security and contain the virus, security actors need to adopt measured, nonviolent approaches that respect individuals’ rights. KEY QUOTE BOX 17.4 Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2015) We envision a world free from poverty, hunger, disease, and fear, where all life can flourish. This world would have universal literacy, equitable access to quality education at all levels, healthcare, and social protection, ensuring physical, mental, and social well-being. It would uphold the human right to safe drinking water and sanitation, improved hygiene, and access to sufficient, safe, affordable, and nutritious food. Human habitats would be safe, resilient, and sustainable, with universal access to affordable, reliable, and sustainable energy. We envision a world that universally respects human rights and dignity, upholds the rule of law, justice, equality, and non-discrimination, and values race, ethnicity, and cultural diversity. This world offers equal opportunities for everyone to realize their full potential and contribute to shared prosperity. It invests in its children, ensuring they grow up free from violence and exploitation. Every woman and girl enjoy full gender equality, with all barriers to their empowerment removed. It's a just, equitable, tolerant, open, and socially inclusive world that meets the needs of the most vulnerable. We envision a world where every country enjoys sustainable economic growth and decent work for all. Consumption and production patterns and the use of all natural resources are sustainable. Democracy, good governance, and the rule of law are essential for sustainable development, including economic growth, social development, environmental protection, and the eradication of poverty and hunger. Development and technology application are climate-sensitive, respect biodiversity, and are resilient. Humanity lives in harmony with nature, protecting wildlife and other living species. In theoretical terms, while realists seek to maintain the international–domestic distinction as a matter of practical as well as conceptual importance, many other IR theorists see this as a very narrow way to understand security. LIST OF KEY TERMS Alliance-in the context of international relations, is a formal agreement between two or more actors, typically states, to collaborate on mutual security issues. It serves as a tool for establishing or strengthening a deterrence system, operating a defense pact in case of war, and preventing some or all actors from joining other alliances. Bipolarity-in international relations refers to a system where two nations hold dominance over much of the world. This was the situation during the Cold War, when the United States and the Soviet Union each controlled large spheres of influence throughout the world. It's one of the various ways in which power is distributed within the international system. Some scholars argue that bipolarity tends to generate relatively more stability. Cold War-A term for the state system as it existed between the end of World War II in 1945 and the collapse of Soviet communism in the early 1990s. On one side was the United States, the dominant power in the West, on the other, the Soviet Union, the dominant power in the East. Collective security-in international relations is a principle where all member states of an organization agree to mutual defense in response to an attack by any external party. It emphasizes that true security can only be achieved if the great powers cooperate, meaning an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, thereby maintaining international peace and security. Global South-A term for the poorer, underdeveloped countries of the world (most of which lie south of the equator), corresponding to what used to be called the Third World. Its counterpart is the North—a term that is sometimes used as an alternative designation for the West. Human security-an approach in international relations that focuses on the safety and well-being of individuals and communities, rather than just the state. It encompasses various aspects of daily life, including health, employment, environmental security, and protection from crime, aiming to safeguard individuals from constant threats and sudden disruptions. This concept emphasizes building resilience in vulnerable populations, promoting sustainable resource use, and adopting measured, nonviolent approaches that respect individuals’ rights. liberal institutionalism-Focuses attention on the ability of international institutions to alleviate the negative effects of anarchy in the international system. Peacekeeping-the deployment of a United Nations presence, often involving military, police, and civilian personnel, in conflict areas with the consent of all parties involved to prevent escalation and promote peace. It has evolved from primarily military operations to more complex missions addressing root causes of conflict and fostering dialogue between hostile parties. While traditionally handled by the UN, peacekeeping duties have increasingly been taken on by regional organizations, and it forms a significant part of broader conflict prevention strategies. Peacemaking-the process undertaken by the United Nations and other entities to restore peace through formal techniques like mediation and arbitration, with a focus on promoting a general willingness to seek peace, protecting vulnerable populations such as women, children, refugees, and internally displaced people who are often casualties in civil conflicts. power politics-A view of politics, predicated on the notion that “might is right,” that generally takes morality and justice to be irrelevant to the conduct of international relations; associated with realism. Security-broadly defined as safety from constant threats like hunger, disease, crime, and repression, and protection from sudden disruptions in our daily lives, whether at home, work, community, or environment Social justice-The principle that goods ought to be distributed according to need, merit, or the principle of equality. Treaty-a written contract or agreement between two or more parties that is binding in international law. It can form an alliance, a formal agreement between actors (usually states) to collaborate on mutual security issues. The expected security benefits of such collaboration typically include establishing or strengthening a deterrence system, operating a defense pact in case of war, and preventing some or all actors from joining other alliances. Unconventional threat-in international politics refers to security challenges that deviate from traditional state-based armed aggression, encompassing issues such as internal conflict, global health pandemics, environmental and energy security, and threats posed by non-state actors like terrorist organizations. These threats, which are among the most serious in today’s world, require alternative policy approaches beyond military responses, tailored to the specific dynamics of each threat.